Lakome.com or "Wikileaks Moroccan" In the heart of colonial Rabat, Hassan district, along the tracks in a few weeks that will host the first trams running in the capital, overlooking windows
Lakome.com . Waiting for the premises of the editorial is Anouzla Ali, an icon of journalism and director of the independent Moroccan website (created in November 2010) in a few months has become the benchmark in the country for the alternative information in Arabic. Some call it the "Julian Assange Moroccan", not only for his work as a surfer and ease of access to sources available online. In 2008, in fact, had published in the daily Anouzla
Jarida Al Oula to some witnesses on the "leaden years" secreted by the instance of Equity and Reconciliation, which aroused the wrath of the regime.
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| Najib Chouki to Lakome.com |
Comparisons aside, Ali prefers Anouzla considered an journalist devoted to his profession. Joining him in the drafting of Lakome, working two other old friends of the independent press Moroccan Khalid Gueddar already caricaturist
Doumani, Le Journal Hebdomadaire
and
Akhbar al Youm , and Najib Chouki, blogger and former collaborator of
Nichane . In a few days the site will trigger a new French version, edited by the founder of the Journal Hebdomadaire
Aboubakr Jamai with the contribution of Aziz El Yaakoubi (The Journal
,
Zamane ) and Omar Radi (
Les Echos, Radio
Atlantic).
During the interview given in this article, the director of Lakome recounts his experience as a freelance journalist in Morocco, enumerates the obstacles and the retaliation that comes in from time to time in the free exercise of his profession, which forced him to abandon print and take refuge in the Web a reality, "more accessible to economic as well as more reliable in terms of freedom of expression." Anouzla also points out the happy coincidence that brought her online journal at the forefront in the Moroccan media landscape: "Lakome the context in which it was born has made the Internet the preferred way of communication and dissemination of information. And 'thanks to the network that the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions have been successful for us and it was a favorable opportunity to see our commitment to the max. " Ali Anouzla addition to being an independent journalist is also a "democratic" and as such has argued through his website "February 20 Movement" and the demands of the young fellow. In closing the interview, his remarks on the attitude shown by the national press against the motion before and after the protests started Sunday, February 20.
Interview with Ali Anouzla (Rabat, March 1, 2011)
Tell me Mr. Anouzla, why they call it "the Julian Assange Moroccan?
do not know, some colleagues are joking. I am a journalist, nothing more. I chose this profession since adolescence. I studied four years at the Institute of Journalism here in Rabat, after which I started to practice in a Saudi-owned pan-Arab newspaper, Asharq al Awssat , based in London but printed and distributed in various capitals of the Arab world. During the nineties I became the managing editor for the Maghreb region. I also news reports and investigations in the field, I worked a lot in sub-Saharan Africa, Sudan and Libya at the time that Bin Laden was in the country. At the same time collaborating with other media, some television and radio eastern U.S. Sawa, Al Hurra. I was the first U.S. issuer correspondent in Morocco, created after the invasion of Iraq ordered by Bush Jr. and the fall of Saddam Hussein. The idea was to promote democracy and media freedom through new media, as had happened in the past with the countries of Eastern Europe.
This is the beginning of his career. Tell me how it went.
In 2004, following a misunderstanding, I left Asharq and for the first time I assumed the dual role of publisher and journalist, giving rise to the weekly Al Jarida arabofono to Okhra ("The other newspaper ). An independent magazine of which I was director and shareholder. We worked nearly two years without the aid of large capital and virtually no advertising, but the paper was fine. Then came the problems with the Moroccan authorities, who have put a spoke in the wheels without official charges or judicial interventions. We have lobbied, because we were the first newspaper to have put la principessa Lalla Salma in copertina e ad aver pubblicato un articolo sulle sue attività. A dir la verità era un reportage piuttosto “people”, non c’era nulla di irriverente, ma il semplice fatto di aver parlato della moglie di Mohammed VI ci costò una lettera di avvertimento redatta dal gabinetto reale: “non potete toccare un soggetto tabù come la famiglia regnante – diceva in breve la lettera – senza aver prima ricevuto il via libera del Palazzo”. Si aspettavano delle scuse ufficiali ma io, in qualità di direttore, risposi con un comunicato, diffuso anche dalla stampa internazionale, in cui difendevo il mio diritto di giornalista a trattare liberamente tutti i temi ritenuti opportuni nel rispetto privacy. The king and his wife are sacred, are no exception. The regime press has attacked us for more than a month.
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| Ali Anouzla in drafting Lakome.com |
The second serious incident at the end of 2005. We launched a survey, "What is the personality of the year?" By contacting one hundred leading figures of the country, known in their respective fields (political, social, economic, cultural). The end result is that the king had placed second, while the most votes was Driss Benzekri (President of the 'Application
for the Equity and Reconciliation and former chairman of the Truth and Justice Forum
). After the publication of the survey there were no direct reactions by the monarchy, but once again the regime press, the government and the MAP (Moroccan Press Agency, ed) tried to annihilate us saying that we had no right to ask certain questions and that the king had to stay out of any type of statistics. Now, you know that in Morocco there was and there is still no legislation or regulation that restricts this activity. Even in the case of Tel Quel
(50 thousand copies of the weekly French-were destroyed in August 2009 as contained a survey on the first ten years of the reign of Mohammed VI, ed), the decision to prevent the sale of the newspaper was arbitrary and has no real legal basis.
a result of these problems was forced to stop its publication?
No, Al Jarida
to Okhra is not dead. It has become
Nichane in 2007 following an increase in the capital and members of the editorial. Benchemsi (former director of Tel Quel
), became the new shareholder, wanted to force the use of Moroccan Darija for wider dissemination of the magazine. I I disagreed, I preferred to maintain the standard Arabic. Moreover, even Al Jazeera, which is much followed in the country, use this "common language" achieving excellent results in the Arab world. For these formal differences, which had nothing to do with the content, I and the rest of the team of old
Al Jarida we left
Nichane . To take my place was the friend Driss Ksikes, already at the time editor of Tel Quel
, who had tried in every possible way to prevent our departure.
closed a chapter, I immediately tried to open another one. In the same 2007 I launched along with dear friend and colleague, Taoufik Bouachrine (ex caporedattore di Al Jarida al Okhra ) il quotidiano Al Massae . In questa nuova avventura non ricoprivo più il ruolo di azionista, dal momento che avevo conservato la mia parte di capitale nelle casse di Nichane (Ali Anouzla è rimasto azionista di Nichane fino alla chiusura del settimanale avvenuta nell’ottobre 2010, ndr), ero semplicemente un consigliere di redazione e direttore dell’ufficio a Rabat. In effetti era stato soprattutto Bouachrine a spingere per la creazione di un quotidiano, io ero diffidente, consapevole dei costi elevati a cui saremmo andati in contro. E’ in questa fase di indecisione che è entrato in gioco Rachid Nini (attuale direttore of Al Massai, ed), former associate of Al Jarida and Assabah . Nini has provided financial support to the new publishing project, has prepared the ground for the publication and laid down the guidelines along with Bouachrine. After a year of collaboration, during which I took care of a daily column of political analysis, I left the team due to disagreements with the management of the newspaper.
What kind of conflicts have the urge to leave the Massai?
Rachid Nini, editor of the newspaper, I criticized two articles. The first, entitled "Morocco is a democratic country?" era in sostanza un’analisi critica della monarchia, del suo controllo asfissiante sulla sfera politica e della democrazia di facciata di cui si fa vanto l’elite del paese. Il secondo si concentrava invece sul monopolio economico e finanziario del sovrano, che tuttora impedisce lo sviluppo industriale del Marocco e la genesi di una normale dialettica di mercato. Se nel primo caso avevo lasciato correre, continuando il mio lavoro senza troppe polemiche, dopo il secondo stop ho deciso di chiamarmi fuori pur di conservare la mia indipendenza.
Neanche in questo caso ha deciso di fermarsi e di cambiare mestiere?
No, non ce l’avrei mai fatta. Nel maggio 2008, lasciato Al Massae , I created a new daily arabofono, Jarida Al Oula to With the limited means available. I met some journalists, former colleagues and friends (lawyers, former political prisoners of the "leaden years" they had confidence in me) around a table and each has paid 100 thousand dirhams (about 10 000 €) to start the publication, an amount which corresponded to 5% of the capital. Jarida Al Oula to was born on an egalitarian and totally independent.
From May 2010 to Jarida Al Oula has disappeared from the newsstands. How did it come to this sad ending?
In the first year the paper was great, la risposta del pubblico era eccellente, tanto che avevamo attirato l’interesse degli inserzionisti pubblicitari. Tuttavia, fin dai primi mesi sono iniziati i problemi con le autorità. Grazie ad una fonte di cui proteggo ancora oggi l’anonimato, ero entrato in possesso di alcuni documenti dell’IER che non erano stati resi pubblici. Si trattava delle audizioni svolte dalla commissione a porte chiuse, dove i responsabili del regime sotto Hassan II (alcuni ancora nei posti chiave, come Khalienna Ould Errachid, attuale presidente del CORCAS, la commissione governativa per il Sahara, ndr) apportavano le loro testimonianze. Al Jarida al Oula ha iniziato a pubblicare il dossier, composto da oltre cinquecento pagine, a puntate in its columns. These were previously unpublished short stories of the protagonists of the bloodiest chapter in our history. Ould Errachid For example, in his hearing, talking about war crimes committed by armed forces in real Sahara, while Abdelwahid Boutaled, former advisor to Hassan II, gives no uncertain terms the responsibility of all violence committed in the "years of lead" to the King died in 1999. It was a unique opportunity to spread the truth that we want to hide a truth that affects the entire country. I think that shed light on cases of national significance remained obscure is a mandatory task for any self-respecting journalist. Unfortunately once again the first fierce reactions against the newspaper came from his "colleagues" of the regime press and the government parties (Aujourd'hui Le Maroc , Al Alam, Al Ittihad Al Ichtiraki , the MAP ...) which are causing damage to the reputation of our profession. Then the authorities because it lobbied sull'IER formally initiated a lawsuit against Al Jarida and its director. I was interrogated for three consecutive days from the judicial police, who raided the premises of writing and my house in search of documents found nothing. In the end, the court has ordered to stop publishing the dossier because it was the eyes of the regime "a attack on the stability of the state and an obstacle to the process of democratization in the country. " For us there was still a positive side: lots of advertising for our newspaper that he was only three months of life.
So after the reprimand on the "dossier IER" Are you still managed to go on?
Yes, after the "dossier IER" We have worked quietly for several months, until summer 2009, when it rained them are new convictions. The first case was initiated by the Moroccan Ministry of Foreign diplomatic pressure on Libya following the 'affair Gaddafi. " L’episodio è piuttosto complesso. Nel 2008 Hannibal Gheddafi, figlio del colonnello, era stato arrestato a Ginevra per aver maltrattato due domestiche in un hotel. All’avvio delle indagini era stato interrogato anche l’autista di Hannibal, un marocchino la cui famiglia viveva in Libia. Secondo l’avvocato svizzero dell’autista erano state fatte pressioni “fisiche” a Tripoli sulla famiglia del nostro connazionale. Le autorità marocchine, in nome delle buone relazioni con Gheddafi, hanno ignorato l’accaduto, ma noi abbiamo denunciato nelle colonne di Al Jarida la connivenza e l’omertà del nostro governo. Questo l’antefatto. Quando poi nel novembre 2008 ho scritto un articolo lack of democracy in the Maghreb, where among others I mentioned the Libyan example as a model of dictatorship, the Embassy of jamahirriya took the ball to go to war. In a letter signed by the ambassador was given to me ignorant and illiteracy, as well as insults. The letter I stated in the paper to highlight the lack of consideration enjoyed by the entire Moroccan press. Never a diplomat would be addressed in tones and words similar to a Western journalist! Gaddafi, through our Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has sued, asking for a repair of about 750 000 €. The verdict announced by a court in Casablanca at the end of June 2009 sentenced us to pay compensation of 100 thousand euro.
The third trial
Jarida Al Oula to , who also sanctioned the end of us, started after an article on the health of Mohammed VI published in late August 2009. A few days earlier had issued a statement from the Palazzo, personally signed by four doctors of the King, that the king was in a state of convalescence as suffering from "rotavirus". Together with a journalist of writing we have tried to find out more about this virus is unknown to us, we have contact specialists to know the symptoms and effects of the disease since the press not giving information. The publication of the piece there is earned a stay of three days at the police, during which the police did nothing but repeat, "do not have to touch on such sensitive, you could spread fear, create instability and foreign capital away from the country." In the end I was sentenced in December 2009, one year in prison with the benefit of probation, plus a fine of about one thousand euro for "spreading false information and misleading nature of speculation." The problem for the newspaper was not so much legal, but in economic terms. The consequences have proved disastrous. As he left the job advertisers have begun to cancel their orders and we are left without funds. The capital was not sufficient to cover the cost of the printing and distribution (before the summer of 2009 the sales volume, and printed copies, was significantly increased), so we endured a few months after I was forced into bankruptcy at the beginning May 2010.
to Jarida Al Oula is therefore yet another victim of the advertising strategy of the boycott?
Yes, Al Jarida was the victim of "soft censorship" or indirect censorship, a strategy particularly favored by the regime in recent times to silence independent voices with no obvious implications. The authorities are putting pressure on advertisers not to support the publications deemed inconvenient, leaving overnight without economic resources (the sale of the paper covers only a small part of expenditure) and forcing them to closure. Before Jarida Al Oula to there was the example of Journal Hebdomadaire, and a few months after that of Nichane : Benchemsi, when he left the country and its newspapers, said that the grants had fallen Advertising 80%. Now the same phenomenon is affecting Akhbar al Youm the newspaper Bouachrine second for number of copies sold (25,000) in Morocco, long deserted by advertisers.
The transition to information on-line is due to the need to circumvent the advertising boycott and the "soft censorship" of the regime? In other words, where does the idea of \u200b\u200bLakome.com?
First, after the end of the adventure Jarida Al Oula to , I needed a new space to continue to express myself freely, to remain an independent journalist in Morocco. I had the money to create a new publication and the web was the most affordable in the economy and the most reliable in terms of freedom of expression. So thanks to the support and enthusiasm shown by Khalid and Najib, sincere friends and reliable colleagues, I decided to open the site Lakome.com. Besides the love for the profession, was a way of saying: "We still! In spite of all we continue to make independent information, without coercion or political advertising. "
still cultivated in the initial project idea, to work in parallel on-line, to lay the groundwork for future financial and editorial print publication, but the context in which Lakome was born has made the Internet the preferred way communication and dissemination of information. And 'thanks to the network that revolutions Tunisia and Egypt have been successful for us and it was a favorable opportunity to see our commitment to the max. We exist for three months and the site is going very well, last week we passed the 114 000 visits per day (Lakome is the tenth most visited site in Morocco and the third between the sites for information, note) and our goal now is to become an area of \u200b\u200breference information, from the Arabic and soon also in French. In our pages we offer a direct line with current national and the whole Maghreb region and we can talk about topics that my colleagues in the print media are still taboo. Maybe that's why someone has Lakome nicknamed the "Wikileaks Moroccan, "but we remain a small team of journalists and independent professionals. Nothing else. From our credibility we have, unlike many other sites and blogs that already existed in the national media landscape.
Lakome.com What kind of funding it receives?
No funding with the exception of financial resources available to each member of the editorial. Even those who collaborate from time to time to our site, it does so as a volunteer. At least for now of course.
Within three months of existence, Lakome.com or members of its editorial staff have never had any problems with the authorities? Never before
at this time. Perhaps if the focus on the Maghreb media space had not been so high by international public opinion, following the revolutions that are enlivening the entire region, we could be subjected to the repressive regime. But under the circumstances, the Town has no real interest in her now show an iron fist. I do not think we will attack in an arbitrary manner as they did Jarida Al Oula to . They do not dare to block or restrict access to the Internet right now, maybe you will find other means, perhaps they are already looking for.
She said that following the current Moroccan Lakome and the whole Maghreb region. What is the line taken from the site in the selection and proposal of news?
Lakome is all the news that could affect the Moroccan public, for now, and soon speaking arabofono. Let me give an example which concerns more closely. A few days ago was given the news of the arrest of six Moroccans in Italy accused of terrorism related to the association and the Islamic Justice and Charity. We broadcast the news and then we asked the representatives of the group Yassine, who denied any link with the six in question and reaffirmed the peaceful way of their organization.
About Justice and Charity, what are your professional relationship with the Islamist movement? Let me explain, I know that the group of Yassine refuses to have direct relations with the Moroccan press for the negative image that the media offer the organization. And with Lakome?
We have no problem to relate the movement of Yassine and vice versa. They respect our professionalism as we respect their positions, even though it might not necessarily share. Personally I have always enjoyed excellent relations with representatives of the Justice and Charity, as indeed any other Islamic organization present in Morocco. I have no problems even with the representatives WFP (the authenticity and Development Party, related training scheme, ed.) Sometimes my criticisms are virulent, but they are not aimed at people in the idea itself or the position to defend. It is not a personal war and more, be critical, the reasons for their point of view, is among the primary functions of the journalist.
As Lakome place from February 20 to the Movement?
We followed the genesis of the movement, giving space to the claims promoted by the new generations. We were the first news site to circulate the video and the platform of the "February 20" a few days dopo la comparsa dei primi gruppi Facebook. Inoltre, siamo stati il primo supporto mediatico a utilizzare il nome stesso di “Movimento 20 febbraio”. Quando a fine gennaio sono comparsi i gruppi Facebook, come il gruppo “Democrazia e libertà adesso” o il gruppo “Dignità” e altri, mi è venuto spontaneo creare un parallelo con l’esperienza egiziana del 2008, dove alcuni nuclei di cyber-dissidenti si sono riuniti sotto il nome di “Movimento 6 aprile”. Lakome ha recuperato gli archivi e la documentazione prodotta in due anni dal Movimento 6 aprile e l’ha messa a disposizione dei giovani marocchini.
Da un punto di vista professionale trovo normale interessarsi ad un fenomeno sociale and political significance of such a broad, covering not only our country but throughout the Arab-Muslim area. A phenomenon that has achieved momentous upheavals in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya and probably be able to trigger the change also in Morocco and Algeria. As for my personal opinion, I am a Democrat, as well as a journalist, and when I saw the claims of the movement, the demand for a radical change to overcome the political vacuum monarchical absolutism, was a logical support him and give him space, in contrast to other colleagues.
I asked what position he assumed Lakome than "February 20" because compare it with the role played by the national media on paper on the same issue. What do you think of the attitude shown by his colleagues?
When the revolt broke out in Tunisia, we were still in December 2010, I published an article which caused the first reaction Lakome controversy "here is the proof of the failure of the Tunisian model, a model followed the authoritarian and repressive in recent years from Morocco "I wrote at the time. The controversy continued when, unlike my colleagues, I stated in an editorial focus on the spread of protests in the region: "Morocco is no exception, nothing to serve the alleged legitimacy storica rivendicata dalla monarchia”. Al momento eravamo solo io e Taoufik Bouachrine a sostenere la non eccezionalità del caso marocchino, mentre la stampa dei partiti al governo, quella direttamente finanziata dal regime o quella subdola come i giornali di Rachid Nini, sostenevano che il Marocco non sarebbe mai stato toccato dalle proteste.
Poi, dalla comparsa del Movimento 20 febbraio fino al giorno delle manifestazioni, il panorama mediatico marocchino si è diviso in tre posizioni differenti. Come dicevo prima Lakome ha sostenuto i giovani e le loro rivendicazioni assieme ad Akhbar al Youm (seppur in maniera molto più timida), mentre gli organi di partito e Rachid Nini li hanno attaccati spudoratamente, insultando e cercando di screditare i volti visibili del movimento. La terza posizione era quella della stampa di regime, Le Matin e la MAP per esempio, che evitavano di trattare la notizia in attesa di direttive dalle alte sfere. Dopo le manifestazioni del 20 febbraio il panorama mediatico ha cambiato atteggiamento. Tutta la stampa sta cercando ora di cavalcare l’onda della protesta, di incanalare il movimento privandolo della sua spinta propulsiva e innovatrice. Sull’editoriale di oggi pubblicato da Aujourd’hui le Maroc c’è scritto: “la piazza ha fatto il suo dovere, ora sta alle forze politiche presenti in parlamento far avanzare le proposte di cambiamento”. E’ assurdo, se si considera che all parties were against the movement and its claims. It 's just political opportunism, dictated by the need to stifle the potential "revolutionary" movement, and once again leave it at that. I am shocked, so much so that to avoid misunderstandings I have not written anything after the events of last week. But in any case, regardless of the maneuvers of the regime and the media at his service, I think the bottle thrown overboard by young Moroccans can no longer be stopped. Sooner or later it will come.
What was the reaction instead of the security forces began to mobilize Sunday, February 20?
At the directives sent to police were clear: to avoid the use of force against the demonstrators. On February 20 he was considered a review by the regime and security forces, in which the jury was made up by international public opinion that he had his eyes on the country. The images of Rabat and Casablanca have earned the applause of some Western governments that have painted Morocco as a liberal and democratic State. In fact in smaller towns and remote areas there have been riots and violence and repression has become more and more in the following days. The guidelines of the scheme have changed, as evidenced by the news and video coming from Sefrou, Fes, Kenitra, Guelmim, Agadir e Dakhla, diffuse su Lakome. D’ora in poi le manifestazioni verranno impedite con la forza. Staremo a vedere cosa succederà questo fine settimana (sono in programma manifestazioni a Rabat, Casablanca e Marrakech per domenica 6 marzo, ndr).
In conclusione, secondo Ali Anouzla il Marocco garantisce la libertà di espressione?
No, la libertà di espressione non è garantita nel nostro paese. Prendiamo la libertà di stampa, l’esempio che mi riguarda più da vicino. Come testimoniano anche le mie vicende personali, ci sono delle linee rosse in Marocco che non è possibile superare indenni. Sicuramente c’è più freedom than other Arab countries, the mere fact that I'm here talking to you is a confirmation, but if we refer to a professional practice such as that of the journalist, the limits and constraints imposed by the authorities are clear. The implications of the monarchy in the economic sector and corruption in the entourage of Palazzo remain a taboo subject, as well as the corruption of the army in the Sahara. No one dares talk about it and who has tried (with reference to the co-founder and former editor of the Journal Hebdomadaire Ali Amar, editor's note) has paid the consequences. The constitution says that the sovereign is the head of the nation, army, government and religious leadership, but nowhere it says to be the first banker, the first insurer and the first contractor in the kingdom. As a journalist I have the right to write about these things in the papers but I can not.
