Tuesday, July 27, 2010

Church Anniversary Letters

“Un mestiere ad alto rischio”

Come più volte sostenuto dalle ong internazionali che difendono i diritti dell’uomo, in Tunisia la professione di giornalista rimane “un mestiere ad alto rischio”. L’arresto del reporter Fahem Boukadous, avvenuto il 15 luglio scorso, ne è l’ennesima conferma.

In Tunisia chiunque osi criticare le autorità o difendere i diritti dell’uomo si trova in una situazione di pericolo. I militanti e le ong che difendono i diritti umani, così come gli avvocati and journalists are targeted by the regime. They can not give birth to independent associations without fear of interference ol'accanimento Tunisian bureaucracy. Are often the subject of judicial proceedings in respect of which are locked up in prison based on false accusations assembled ad hoc. Friends, family, even their children are victims of harassment. Some have lost their jobs. Their offices and their homes were searched and ransacked by the security forces. They are followed constantly subjected to heavy surveillance. Their phones are tapped, the Internet links are monitored and blocked e-mails or pirated. The abuse and physical violence are committed by police officers or agents intelligence at the behest of the authorities. Persecution is permanent obstacle to the activists in their efforts on behalf of human rights and prevents him from having a normal private life. With the use of such devices, the authorities want to say to all those living in Tunisia which is better think twice before you criticize or stand in defense of human rights.

This introductory note of the report "Tunisia. Des voix indépendantes réduites au silence ", published by Amnesty International July 13, 2010. The document accuses the Tunisian authorities in a clear right to use every means available, legal and not just to silence critical voices that are raised within the country. The concerns raised by NGOs have found yet another confirmation of just 48 hours after the release of the report, when Fahem Boukadous independent journalist, correspondent of the satellite channel Al Hiwar Ettounsi , was arrested near the hospital Farhat Hached of Susse. "We had to collect the results of some tests, when four plainclothes policemen have asked my husband to follow him for a quick check," says his wife Afef Columns Nouvel Obsevateur . Since then neither the lawyers nor his family have never heard from him.
July 6 Fahem Boukadous was sentenced to four years' imprisonment by the Court of Appeals for Gafsa "Understanding participation in criminal and dissemination of news likely to disturb public order." An unfair trial, expeditious and unilateral, concluded in haste and without the presence of the accused without the defense has been granted the right to speak. The journalist was not in court when the court because the hospital for several days in hospital in Susse following the occurrence of severe respiratory failure. Authorities was enough to wait for the resignation of the patient to comply with the ruling. But the verdict issued by the court, according to the lawyer Ridaoui Rida, "is a serious breach of the procedures of the Criminal Code, which provides for the postponement of the trial when the accused can not be present at the hearing because of his health.
"If leaving the hospital I will be incarcerated, will not go into a cell but in a grave," wrote Boukadous in an open letter to international public opinion. For twenty years of patient suffering from asthma and lung sudden crisis, the Tunisian journalist had called just hours after the pronouncement of the court, while he was still hospitalized in Susse. "The promiscuity of the prison, dirt, humidity, oppressive heat of summer and smoke person who would be forced to breathe in these tiny cages overcrowded will only aggravate my situation. "

"An injustice injustice"
address Boukadous The accusations relate to events that occurred in 2008 Redeyef, a mining area located in the region of Gafsa, where in recent years, the unemployment rate has risen as much as the modernization of facilities and soaring exports. The local population, considering the results of fraudulent recruitment competition held by the Company of Phosphates, had rebelled against corruption e alle pratiche clientelari in voga nell’amministrazione tunisina, chiedendo nuovi posti di lavoro e più trasparenza. La zona fu invasa dalle forze di sicurezza e gli scioperi, protrattisi per settimane, soffocati nel sangue: alla fine vennero uccisi tre manifestanti (un quarto morì poche settimane più tardi per le lesioni riportate al midollo spinale). Fahem Boukadous, inviato di Al Hiwar Ettounsi , era uno dei rari giornalisti presenti al momento del sollevamento (assieme a Gabriele Del Grande, autore dello splendido reportage “Tunisia: la dittatura a sud di Lampedusa”, pubblicato in fortresseurope.blogspot.com ). Le sue immagini, che documentano gli scontri e la repressione violenta operata by the army and police have done in a short time around the world, thanks to the spread on Youtube and Dailymotion. In Tunisia, but were never aired.
According to the allegations of the system, the correspondent of Al Hiwar in no way a journalist, but a subversive element involved in the revolt and then sentenced for "crimes of common law that have nothing to do with his profession." The court of first instance and then the appeals court have found guilty of "association with criminal gang", for damage to public and private property, as well as the wounding of police officers following the launch of incendiary bombs. But Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, head of North Africa at Amnesty International, the trial Boukadous was nothing more than "a grotesque farce, injustice injustice." His defenders, in fact, have never been able to summon witnesses, were denied the right to cross-examination and the last hearing were totally excluded from the proceedings. "Fahem Boudakous is a prisoner of opinion, finished in custody for the peaceful exercise of his right to freedom of expression," the manager said in statement released by the NGO network. An opinion shared by Jean-Francois Julliard, Secretary General of Reporters Without Borders He adds: "This verdict is yet another arbitrary decision taken by the regime of Ben Ali at those who disturb his power. Obviously a political decision, which condemned a journalist for having exercised their profession independently. "
against the arrest of the reporter was immediately deployed Taoufik Ben Brik, a poet, novelist and journalist, considered one of the main opponents to the building of Carthage. "Fahem, you are my foster-brother and my battle horse," wrote Ben Brik, released from prison last April 27 after six months' imprisonment. His fault, criticizing the Tunisian president in French newspapers on the occasion of election campaign (October 2009), which has crowned Zine El Abdin Ben Ali for the fifth consecutive time. A few weeks after his arrest was the turn of Zouhair Makhlouf, another journalist, sentenced to three months in prison and payment of 3 000 euro fine for having made a report on working conditions in the industrial area of \u200b\u200bNabeul (50 km south of Tunis).

The persecution of dissidents, journalists and activists for human rights is a consolidated reality in Tunisia. Amnesty International believes that these attacks are the direct result of laws and the political strategy of the authorities, who want to silence le rare voci che ancora continuano ad esprimersi in maniera libera e indipendente.
Dal rapporto di Amnesty International “Tunisie. Des voix indépendantes réduites au silence”. (Traduzione del paragrafo dedicato alla libertà di espressione)

Le autorità tunisine esercitano uno stretto controllo sui media. La maggior parte degli organi di stampa o dei canali radio appartengono allo Stato o a personalità vicine al governo. I giornali dei partiti politici di opposizione, invece, sono privati del denaro pubblico, una pratica in contrasto con la legge sul finanziamento pubblico dei partiti politici. I caporedattori e i giornalisti subiscono constant intimidation. The independent newspapers that publish articles critical of the authorities or who expose corruption are seized and destroyed. Foreign correspondents who are trying to document the repression of political opposition and human rights activists are seen to prohibit entry into the country.
The Criminal Code and the Code of the release contains vaguely worded provisions that a punishable criminal offense "disseminating false news likely to disturb public order" (Article 49 of the Code of print) and "incitement to rebellion "produced through public speeches, banners, posters and publications (Article 121 of the Penal Code). The libel is defined in vague and broadly interpreted in art. And Article 245 of the Penal Code. 50 of the Code of the press. While the art. 121 (b) of the Criminal Code prohibits the distribution, sale and exposure of leaflets "which could jeopardize public order or good morals."
Those journalists who criticize the government are often targeted convicted on trumped-up charges and improbable, or even objects of persistent harassment and intimidation. They may lose their jobs overnight, or be relegated to perform minor tasks. For them it is virtually impossible to work in the national media. If they are hired by foreign media, rarely seen renewed press accreditation or you see systematically denied permission to film and transmit images.

January 27, 2009 The number of plainclothes policemen have surrounded the premises of Radio Kalima, which began broadcasting via satellite only 24 hours earlier. After a three-day block, the local radio have been closed. The officers placed the seals and seized all the materials. Sihem Ben Sedrine, human rights activist and editor in chief of Radio Kalima, is the subject of an investigation for using a radio frequency without authorization. During the blockade of the issue have been reported numerous cases of mistreatment and intimidation. Naziha Rejiba, known under the name Oum Ziad, is a journalist, co-founder of Radio Kalima and human rights activist. For years the victim of intimidation and abuse. Some of his articles have been censored and were published in newspapers on which they were seized. For the Tunisian authorities it was false news.
In November 2009, Taoufik Ben Brik, a journalist known for his critical stances against the government, was sentenced to six months in prison based on evidence pre-fabricated and false evidence. It 'been charged with assault, destruction of property of others, offensive to good morals and defamation. Ben Brik has always denied all charges, explaining such a fury that was actually due to his criticism of the regime. It 'was released after serving the full sentence.

Tunisia's international partners have never complained, so far, the strategy of the scheme aimed at silencing the slightest dissent. The European Union and the United States continues to trust in official discourse promoted from Tunis, who described his government as an avid promoter of human rights. The reports of Amnesty International, which counts the gross violations of human rights produced in the country are being systematically ignored by the Member wishing to strengthen their trade ties and cooperation Security with Tunisia. If these governments do not start to exert real pressure on the Tunisian authorities to reclaim their budget on human rights, persecution of activists, opponents and independent journalists will continue unabated.
Amnesty International - July 2010

Testimonials:
"I chose the profession of journalist to put the service of freedom of expression, for the sake of truth and integrity. I am willing to assume the risks of this choice and follow the same path of those who came before me, with as much courage and so courage. The unfair trials and sentences fail to deter, even if my life is at stake. I am ready to sacrifice on the altar of freedom and democracy. "
(Fahem Boukadous, July 10, 2010)

Sunday, July 11, 2010

How To Instal Boat Floor

Melilla. La frontiera delle tartarughe

Down the dirt road down a formless mass of humanity crowded and noisy a few meters from the gates of the border. The police seem to be observing the scene with a straight face, but from time to time, truncheon blows to settle the case in the crowd. "They try to separate women from men, to put a little 'and passages in order to make room for those who return with the load," said a customs officer so too diplomatic.
almost ten and the heat of the African sun begins to be felt. Stands in the dusty a faint smell of fish. The sailors have returned from the port and, together with the peasants of the district, furnished with wooden crates and a feast or a makeshift market on the way down the pass. But passers-by do not pay too much attention. Most are quick running to the bottom of the hill, while others date back sadly the roadway in the opposite direction, dragging large bags of canvas.
Every day thirty thousand Moroccans, mostly women, are crossing the border that separates them from Melilla. Some do it to stock up on essential goods, curiously cheaper across the border. The majority, however, smuggled goods in the stores of every kind gathered around the airport Iberia. To facilitate this trade, the agreements signed between the governments of Madrid and Rabat in the seventies, which allow the movement to the inhabitants of the English enclave of Nador, the capital of the Rif region (northern Morocco), located just ten miles away. Since then, although legislation on immigration has become increasingly restrictive steps a day continue to be allowed without a visa or stamp in the passport.

Barrio Chino
Khadija wakes up every morning at five. When going out is still night. Along the double fence seven feet high to protect the fortress Shengen to reach the Barrio Chino. E 'at this point that the border for ten years Khadija, like thousands of his countrymen, comes into Spain every day to load a huge burden on the shoulders, chest and pelvis fixed by a rope. Fifty pounds of bonded goods to be transported back across the border, knees bent at ninety degrees to be able to move, slowly, one step after another. "At first I thought I would not hold up - tells the woman in her forties - to the bearer is un lavoro duro, faticoso, ma ormai mi sono abituata”. Ha appena concluso la prima staffetta della giornata, per un compenso di 50 dirham (meno di 5 euro). I carichi più pesanti, all’incirca un quintale, vengono pagati un po’ di più (anche 70 o 80 dirham). Con una smorfia di sofferenza sul viso deposita il “pacco” in un carretto arrugginito, aiutata da un paio di ragazzini, e ritorna ciondolante verso la fila in attesa, pronta a passare di nuovo dall’altra parte. Un secondo viaggio le permetterebbe di raddoppiare il magro guadagno. Ma il varco rimane aperto dalle otto all’una e solo le più resistenti riescono a compiere il tragitto due o tre volte nello stesso giorno.
Khadija non è che una piccola leva nel complesso ingranaggio del contrabbando, che ogni anno muove da Melilla a Nador una quantità di merci pari, secondo stime non ufficiali, a 700 milioni di euro. Dal giugno del 2008 una decisione del governo di Rabat, assecondata dalle autorità spagnole, ha trasferito l’attività transfrontaliera dal Paso Beni Enzar, l’accesso principale riservato ora al traffico dei veicoli (e vietato, in teoria, al commercio), al Paso Barrio Chino, un piccolo attraversamento pedonale, nascosto allo sguardo dei turisti che transitano sempre più numerosi da un lato all’altro del confine.
Attraverso il Barrio Chino si trasporta di tutto, dai vestiti to blankets, from household utensils to spare parts for cars, from televisions to spirits. Trafficking takes place in broad daylight, without any shame. Nobody at customs checks. The daily volume of steps calculated in this tract is between five and ten thousand (depending on the quantity of goods which from time to time by visiting the peninsula). But the facilities are very inadequate. Inadequate to accommodate such a flow. "Before, they formed huge queues," recalls Soumia, thirty-five years by bears. "A Heritage Enzar there was a lot more space. Here, the turnstiles are too narrow - the young still in a decent English smugglers - and sometimes it very difficult to go through our fixed weights on the back. We stay stuck. Thus, in addition to the barrel of the police, you might receive kicks and shoves from those who are stuck behind us. " Because the agents they hit with their batons? Soumia seems surprising ingenuity of the application. "There is a reason. Sometimes they do it because someone puts a foot out of line or because he wants to ask something. Or why not have the money to the bakchich . Customs officers of Nador, prepared to turn a blind eye to smuggling, in fact, require any carrier by a transit charge, which varies from 5 to 10 dirhams according to the volume and contenuto del carico trasportato. “Dobbiamo pagare prima per entrare a Melilla e poi, una volta caricata la merce, per tornare in Marocco. Se non lo facciamo non ci lasciano passare e ci rispediscono in fondo alla coda”, precisa Soumia, che non può permettersi di rimanere senza lavoro, neanche per un giorno.


“Uno spettacolo da terzo mondo”
Nella parte melillense del Barrio Chino, a duecento metri dall’accesso al territorio marocchino, un ampio piazzale in terra battuta funge da centro di smistamento per i prodotti in arrivo dal porto. Decine di furgoni stracolmi, surrounded by porters who are awaiting the delivery of the cargo, the goods deposited on the ground already packed. Amid the confusion and the constant coming and going can be glimpsed cloths, shoes, linens and even tires, eagerly collected by couriers. Crushed by the burdens it is undermined by extreme heat, the women barely reach the human chain on their way to Nador. They make up in single file along the border fence. With the chin touches your knees. As turtles nailed to the ground by the weight of a shell too bulky.
The Civil Guard officers who control the transit to the border takes place in small teams of at most five or six units. Even loro si fanno scrupoli ad usare il manganello. “Se c’è troppa calca i marocchini non riescono a riscuotere le mance e chiudono i cancelli. Questa gente, poi, finisce per perdere la testa e diventa incontrollabile”, sembra discolparsi un poliziotto a pochi metri dalla dogana. Spinto dall’orgoglio, o più probabilmente da un impeto di indignazione, un collega aggiunge: “nessuno ha il coraggio di fare qualcosa e lasciano a noi la patata bollente. Chi gestisce il contrabbando è protetto e può permettersi di sfruttare questa gente, pagandola una miseria. E’ uno spettacolo da terzo mondo, proprio qui in casa nostra!”.
Eppure il comune di Melilla e la Delegazione Iberian government had announced in June 2008, at the time of the transfer of the cross-border flow Paso Barrio Chino, the construction of special facilities to improve working conditions for Moroccan carriers, defined by the local press "inhuman and degrading treatment." But the big plastic placed along the border has not held more than three months. The first significant rain if it is taken away. The same fate has befallen the six bathrooms installed at the side of the clearing dirt and the only source of drinking water in the service of thousands of people. It has not changed anything. Even after the serious incident on 17 November 2008, killed Safia Azizi, a forty-Maghreb years old from Fez, trampled to death by fellow a few seconds after you set foot on English soil. Safia had a degree in Arabic literature. An exception in the world of smuggling, where mostly working mothers banished from the family, wives generally repudiated or illiterate women. In the long unemployed, had moved to Nador in search of better fortune.
Dunia, a carrier born in Meknès, was present at the time of the tragedy. "The police opened the gate a few minutes and the first to go were piled at the entrance gates," he recalls in a voice resigned. Then, pointing to the border, change the tone of anger in his eyes and adds, "that gabbia di metallo non sembra fatta per degli esseri umani, assomiglia più ad un mattatoio. La verità è che ci trattano come bestie e, con il passare del tempo, rischiamo davvero di diventarlo”. I passaggi troppo stretti, le lunghe attese e l’impazienza dei corrieri, che cercano di affrettare i tempi per fare più viaggi e aumentare la paga, formano spesso una combinazione pericolosa. Nel Paso Barrio Chino gli affollamenti continuano ad essere una realtà quotidiana e i feriti una conseguenza inevitabile.


“Comercio atipico”
Per Abdelmoumen Chaouki, responsabile della Coordination de la société civile and director of the monthly 'Echo the Rif, "Spain and Morocco are equally responsible for this sad situation, because it would benefit from exhausting work, at constant risk of accidents, without offering in exchange structures appropriate ". To better understand what affects the proceeds of smuggling into the enclave just take a look at the data provided by the English Treasury in 2006. In that year Melilla goods imported from the Iberian Peninsula and from third countries for a total value of € 674 million, of which only 234 were for domestic consumption. The rest was used to power the circuits of the "comercio atypical ' as it is euphemistically called in these parts. As the intro produced by the border in the opposite side, the government of Mohammed VI has never provided any official figures.
The crowd breaks into chaos each day that both sides of the Barrio Chino in reality hides a well established and effective organizational fabric. The products regularly purchased by traders in Melilla, arriving at the port and are immediately stored in adjacent warehouses. Moroccans are then resold to traffickers, who corrupt customs officers and set up networks of intermediaries and porters to transport the packages across the border. Of these only a portion ridotta si ferma a Nador e nelle province del nord, mentre il grosso dei traffici arriva fino ai mercati di Casablanca e Rabat, dove la merce triplica abbondantemente il suo valore.
Fouad si occupa del trasferimento dei prodotti dai magazzini del porto fino alla frontiera. “Ogni trafficante segna i suoi pacchi con un numero, in modo che siano facilmente identificabili”, spiega il giovane maghrebino con passaporto spagnolo, intento a sistemare con lo scotch alcune bottiglie di liquori sotto la jellaba di una donna corpulenta. La catena degli intermediari si divide i compiti con precisione millimetrica. “Una volta rientrati in suolo marocchino, i portatori depositano il carico nel camion di un subordinato, che in cambio gli rilascia un biglietto. At the end of the day, then go to collect the money dall'addetto payments. "
There are many social groups enjoying varying degrees of "comercio atypical and sweat shed by the" turtle "at the border of Melilla. Over four hundred thousand people, according to the American Chamber of Commerce in Casablanca, I derive at least an indirect benefit. The poorest families, who survive thanks to a few dollars of the brackets, Nador traffickers, who exploit their poverty to get rich. By buyers in the capital, who can purchase goods at a price all things considered beneficial to the traders of the port English that without smuggling would be forced to change jobs, given the meager consumption of a city of just 66,000 inhabitants. Stop it, according to the head of Coordination de la société civile "is perhaps a folly," especially in the absence of concrete alternatives. Traffickers and notable fact enjoy the protection and complicity of local authorities. Not to mention that the expense would still be the most disadvantaged, deprived of their only source of livelihood. But as keen to stress the same Chaouki, "such an activity, unstable and dangerous, certainly can not be a desirable pattern of development for the future of our people."