Acidosis Causes More Condition_symptoms

“Per ventuno anni ho smesso di essere un uomo”

TUNISIA - appuntamento è per le 3:30 p.m. fissato ad Ariana has a sobborgo northeast Popolare di Tunisi dall'aspetto e leggermente decadent. La voce è di Leila worried riattacca bruscamente the phone just understand that I have arrived at your destination. I am descended from the taxi in front of her car, she makes a gesture with his hand and invites me to climb.

Leila is the younger sister of Samir Ben Alaya, a militant Annadha remained for twenty years hidden in an underground shelter in the region of El Kef. Despite the openings made by the Interim Government and all opposition Islamic party not recognized by the old regime, Laila is quiet and prefers to play it safe. "I am not part of the movement - immediately clarifies the woman in her forties - from my brother and his comrades who have made the prison and who have suffered repression, but I consider myself totally secular and far their ideology. " Laila idles for about twenty minutes before you post a side street. The path crosses the last buildings of the city and goes to die in an isolated clearing, hidden behind some trees that separate it from the vague gray Soviet-style apartment blocks. Samir is waiting. Sitting on a big stone, savors her cigarette slowly.

Interview with Samir Ben Alaya (Tunis, 28 January 2011)

Jacopo crabs: Samir first thing I would like a clarification. Why all these precautions? She is now a free man.

Samir Ben Alaya: So it seems, in fact, still struggle to believe e non riesco ad abbandonare le vecchie abitudini. Inoltre la legalizzazione del partito, anche se più volte annunciata, non è ancora arrivata. Io resto formalmente un ricercato.

J. G.: Da quanto tempo ha lasciato il suo rifugio?

S. B. A.: Sono uscito dal sotterraneo in cui ero nascosto il 22 gennaio scorso, dopo ventuno anni e due mesi di clandestinità. Ma la mia storia di perseguitato politico inizia un po’ prima…

J. G.: Allora cominciamo dall’inizio.

S. B. A.: Il primo contatto con la polizia politica del regime l’ho avuto nel 1984, l’anno in cui è scoppiata la “rivolta del pane” throughout the country. When I was arrested I was a member of the Islamic Tendency Movement (MTI), the father of Annadha, and participating in meetings of the El Kef. I was offered a yogurt with some girls who wore the veil and I stopped to talk a bit 'with them. The agents have questioned and then came to pick me up. Apparently they were already on my trail and looked for a pretext. They kept me in the police station for ten days, they beat me and then released because they had enough evidence to accuse me.

Since then everyone in town knew of my affiliation with the movement. Monitoring began, and stalking. In 1986 I was arrested for the second time, while I was in the company of a great leader of the movement that I had met secretly in the house of a friend. In prison I was tortured, then sentenced to six months in prison along with three other companions on charges of "membership of an illegal party." At the time I was a nurse in the hospital of the city. After the sentences were thrown out of work.

JG: You spoke of torture, can be more specific?

SBA: Torture is a common practice in our country, previously operated by, and then by Ben Ali Bourguiba. Was the norm for those who were transferred to a local police on suspicion of belonging to a political movement not recognized, the Islamist what's left. The political police took charge of the dirty work: the simulation of drowning, the passage of electric current on the body and in particular on his testicles, burns to the chest. Every time someone could not take it to resist, even though it was always a doctor to make sure that the prisoner remain alive.

JG: How many members at the time MTI had in his city?

SBA: At El Kef time there were about five hundred activists. To this we must add the sympathizers, those who have not participated in the meetings and not directly engaging in illegal propaganda, to share our ideas and gave us logistical support. In all, two or three thousand people, many for a small town like El Kef.

JG: What did you do after getting out of prison?

SBA: I was out of work, so I supported the network of our movement and I left El Kef to reach the capital. It was the beginning of 1987, just months before the dismissal of Bourguiba. The former President had declared open war all'MTI. He felt weak and threatened. At that time there were frequent clashes between militants and our police, all over the country. I ran away from my home town along with other comrades to escape the clutches of the increasingly oppressive regime. But it was not enough, we were all arrested during Bushusha an event and transferred to a detention center has become known for torture and inhuman treatment reserved for political prisoners at that time it crowded with locals. Bushsusha still remains a symbol of dictatorship, violence and atrocities committed against opponents, both Ben Ali Bourguiba and below.

JG: It 's been tortured again?

SBA: Luckily for me one of the policemen guarding the detention center there was a kefois . Proved supportive and wanted to help. "I, like you, I'm from El Kef - I said - I will try to give you a hand." I was spared the torture and I was out a month after signing a statement of innocence. I am still impressed by his gesture. I can only remember him with affection, despite being implicated in torture to which they were subjected every day hundreds of my companions.

JG: The relationship between MTI and the conditions have changed with the removal of Bourguiba?

SBA: Immediately after the coup of Ben Ali was an atmosphere of relaxation, openness towards all opposition, Islamic and left. I took the opportunity to return to El Kef. Our leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, was even invited to a private meeting with the new president. Was proclaimed an amnesty, accompanied by many belle promesse. In realtà ci aspettavano anni ancor più terribili. In un primo tempo il regime accettò di legalizzare il nostro movimento, ma per poter essere riconosciuti come partito politico dovevamo rinunciare all’appellativo “tendenza islamica” (la legge tunisina vieta la formazione di partiti a carattere religioso, ndr). Così nel 1988 l’MTI si è trasformato in Annadha, che in arabo significa “la rinascita”. Annadha ha partecipato alle elezioni legislative del 1989, con propri candidati ufficiali e con l’appoggio di candidati indipendenti, ma il regime, quando si accorse che avremmo vinto, ha invalidato le elezioni. Ben Ali, vista la nostra forza, ha avuto paura. Da quel momento è a new phase of repression against us, a real fighter Islam seconded by most of the left opposition, which then led to the conviction and the dissolution of the official party in 1991.

JG: E 'at this time that he decided to go into hiding?

SBA: Mine was an obvious choice. On 22 December 1989 the authorities issued a new arrest warrant against me for distributing propaganda leaflets. We did it secretly, at night, leaving them under the doors. We tried to explain to people our point of view, our thoughts, as there was prevented from doing so publicly. From then went into hiding, I lose my tracks. If I did otherwise I would still be in prison. In total, the sum of the different processes in which I was involved between 1989 and early nineties, I have accumulated a sentence of more than twenty years in prison.

JG: What is today's choice?

SBA: The choice of secrecy has allowed me to avoid prison, torture, but at the same time robbed me of dignity. As I said, I was hidden for twenty years and two months. Although many things have changed now I still have fear, I feel the pressure on me and I can not walk down the street. For twenty years I have stopped essere un uomo. Non avevo più amici, nessuna vita sociale, nessun sentimento da esprimere se non l’angoscia che tuttora mi assale quando ripenso a quei momenti. A volte riuscivo ad incontrare mia madre, per pochi minuti. Ci guardavamo senza parlare, ma almeno mi vedeva e sapeva che ero ancora vivo. Avevo paura di scoprirmi troppo, mi sentivo braccato.

J. G.: Durante questo lungo periodo ha ricevuto l’appoggio del suo partito?

S. B. A.: Il partito non esisteva più. I suoi membri o erano fuggiti in esilio o si trovavano in carcere. Chi era stato risparmiato dalle condanne si guardava bene dal continuare la benché minima attività. Io ho potuto contare sull’aiuto di alcune persone I knew, among them some who sympathized with the movement. At first, let's say the first seven or eight years of secrecy, often changing their hiding place. I stayed locked up in a house a month, two at most, and then at night I moved somewhere else. The police continued to look for. Sometimes I managed to escape only minutes before their arrival. So I decided to hole up in a basement without windows or doors, except for a hole dug under the house of a friend (he had started work to transform the basement into a pantry). E 'was himself to show me and bring me food and water for over ten years. Mice and snakes that sometimes entered the shelter were the only ones who remember there was still a life around me.

JG: What do you think you do now?

SBA: I present to justice, calling for the annulment of the conviction review process. I do not think to resume political activity, at least for now. Quiet stand around with my family, I have lost more than twenty years of my life. When I chose the underground I was only twenty-seven, now I'm almost fifty. I can not recall the time that it was stolen, but before you go back to being a militant Ennadha want to go back to being a man.

JG: In the few days in the capital has had the opportunity to meet old friends?

SBA: I've met some people, those with whom I was in a closer relationship.

JG: What will be the attitude of Annadha in the coming months? Participate in elections?

SBA: Rachid Ghannouchi said openly that do not turn up to presidential elections. Prefer to first rebuild the foundation of the party. I can not say how many members Annadha counted before the dissolution, nor how many activists are now ready to come forward. In any case, the country is not ready either for an Islamic government nor a Muslim president. The population of Tunisia, after driving out the tyrant, does not want certainly a radical change, and for us is not the time to think about sharia, but only to the freedom that we have been offered.

Ours is a moderate movement, attached to the values \u200b\u200bof Islam that respects democracy and freedom. In time, perhaps, will be the same Tunisian people to reward our ideas. As happened in Turkey Erdogan's AKP. What is a turkish Annadha model has now been adopted as the reference, both ideological and across context. Ataturk had built a secular country like Tunisia of Bourguiba, but this has not prevented a moderate Islamic party, after suffering and efforts, access to power with a large support of the population.

Homemade Toy Boats To Race

Rachid Ghannouchi rientra a Tunisi dopo venti anni di esilio

TUNIS - The Islamist leader Rachid Ghannouchi came back yesterday (Sunday, January 30) in Tunisia after twenty years of exile spent in London. Waiting for him at the airport of the capital a crowd of supporters in the party, which since the early hours of the morning was massed in front of the arrival of international flights. Ghannouchi, like other members of the Islamic party Annadha (Arabic for "rebirth"), had left the country in 1991 after the dissolution of the movement desired by former president Ben Ali. Still weighs on him a life sentence pronounced by a court in Tunis, but the Minister of Justice the new transitional government has already issued an order to revise the political processes and sentences imposed under the old regime opponents.

Rachid Ghannouchi has created in the seventies, the Islamic Group, an association dedicated to the recovery of illegal religious and political dimension of Islam in the Tunisian territory. The group draws inspiration from the writings of Sayyid Qutb and the experience of the Muslim Brotherhood, which came into direct contact Ghannouchi in the four years in Syria (1964-1968 Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Damascus). "The Our goal was to convince people that Islam represented not only tradition, but also a way of life, a global system, "says the same leader during an interview with Vincent Geisser in June 2001. "At first the State and our enemies were Communists. After 1978 we reviewed the objectives and priorities. We had now gained a social consciousness and the conflict with the Communists has become secondary, "says Ghannouchi, who was arrested in 1979 for the first time and placed in a special cell in the basement of the Ministry of the Interior. He was released after one month, say the ban on preaching in mosques in the country.

In 1981, when Bourguiba opened to multiparty politics, the organization is transformed into the Islamic Tendency Movement (MTI) and asks to be legalized. The MTI has never received official recognition of the regime, but has now spread throughout the country thanks to the imams in the mosques and students on college campuses. At the founding congress, the movement part of its manifesto as "the rejection of violence, respect for the multiparty system and the woman's right to participation in public life." Nevertheless, its agents become the prime targets of the government and the political police. The same Rachid Ghannouchi is arrested for the second time in July 1981 and sentenced to eleven years in prison. He served three and then was freed in 1984 following the outbreak of the "bread riots." In this time of intensified contacts between the MTI and the leftist opposition. Bourguiba's regime falters and its repression of dissidents is becoming more acute. 1987 was the toughest year for the followers of Ghannouchi, now the first opposition force in the country, the more violent for the Tunisian people. The old dictator declares open war on the Islamic movement and runs hundreds of arrests. Two bloody attacks on the cities of Sousse and Monastir. For the regime is responsible for the MTI, even if the leader has always denied involvement of his movement in those episodes. Rachid Ghannouchi back in prison but was pardoned after the coup that sanctions the removal of Bourguiba and the rise to power of Ben Ali.

The new regime initially seems willing to accept the participation of Islamists in politics, so the Islamic Tendency Movement changed its name to Annadha (the Tunisian law prohibits the formation of parties on religious, ed) and presents legislative elections of 1989. Ghannouchi's party, with the support of rural Tunisia, winning back the appointment with the ballot. Or at least that's the case, given that Ben Ali denounces fraud and falsify the election results, the support offered by a strong trade union opposition and the Communist Party. The dictator launches a campaign to discredit Annadha, spreading fear in the country of the "fundamentalist threat" to Islam and resumed the chase already known by the movement of Rachid Ghannouchi under Bourguiba. In 1991 the party was dissolved on charges of "subversion" and "attack the institutional foundations of the state". His party leader in exile in London, leading other took refuge in France, and end up hundreds of activists in the prisons of the regime.

Al suo arrivo all’aeroporto di Tunisi, accolto dagli Allahu Akhbar intonati dalla folla, il leader islamista ha dichiarato all’AFP che non si candiderà alle elezioni presidenziali previste per il prossimo giugno, confermando così quanto già affermato a Londra poche ore dopo la fuga del dittatore Ben Ali. “Non mi presenterò alle presidenziali – ha riferito Ghannouchi – così come non si presenterà nessun altro esponente di Annadha. Dopo venti anni di assenza, il mio partito non è pronto a gettarsi nell’arena politica. La priorità è ricostruire il movimento e riprendere l’attività all’interno della società tunisina”.

English Version Of Fire Emblem: Sword Of Seals.

A Tunisi continuano le violenze della polizia e delle milizie

TUNISI - Nel momento in cui l’interesse internazionale si è spostato verso l’Egitto e i media stranieri hanno lasciato il paese, i manifestanti tunisini che ancora reclamano la dissoluzione dell’RCD (il partito del dittatore) e le dimissioni del primo ministro Mohamed Ghannouchi vengono messi brutalmente a tacere. Malgrado la partenza di Ben Ali e l’annuncio di un nuovo governo di unità nazionale, le milizie dell’RCD continuano a seminare il caos e la polizia ne approfitta per reprimere, lasciandosi dietro decine di arresti, feriti e i primi morti della Tunisia post-rivoluzionaria, come dimostra quanto accaduto nella capitale il 28 e il 29 gennaio scorso.

The "Caravan of freedom"

About five protesters from Sunday, January 23 occupied the Kasbah, where is the seat of prime minister and other ministries. They called the "Caravan of freedom," a march from regions of the Interior (Sidi Bouzid, Gafsa, Kasserine, Thala and Metlaoui), which was the highest number of deaths during the uprising erupted in late December, composed by children, students, unemployed mothers with children in tow. After reaching the capital have camped in the square where the windows of the premier Ghannouchi, arranging the best mattresses and blankets offered by the inhabitants of the city. They brought with them photographs of their martyrs, to commemorate the sacrifice made compartment will remain until the party of former dictator will not be dissolved, to protest against a government and a political system that still retains the fetishes of the old regime. "The donkey party is in Saudi Arabia, but the wagon is still here," was the slogan chanted by the symbolic square. Sit-in organized by the caravan during the week, then joined hundreds of citizens from all over the country. "Just RCD", "Ghannouchi go", the choirs have rebounded to days and days across the city. From the casbah avenue Habib Bourguiba, the heart of the ville nouvelle, scene of daily marches and peaceful demonstrations. At least until Friday, January 29, when the resurgence of violence in Tunis has projected a sharp return to the past.

The first signs of a recovery of the old system of deterrence had already occurred in the middle of last week, when anti-riot agents have started to fire tear gas on protestors to disperse crowds and truncheon blows. Only a few days ago (Saturday, January 22, note) was the same police to the streets to express his support for the revolution and shake off the gloomy image of "watchdog" of the dictatorship that had earned during the era of Ben Ali. Nothing but a sham, as the new events, to rebuild their virginity in the eyes of revolutionary Tunisia. Two weeks after the fateful January 14, in a country on the brink of chaos, one thing seems clear: Ben Ali is gone, but the brutal methods of his police remain in the service of Prime Minister Ghannouchi and the masterminds behind that are stifling the revolution of jasmine and hopes of an entire people.

Corpses of casbah between protesters

Venerdì 28 gennaio, dopo la presentazione del nuovo esecutivo di “unità nazionale”, l’atteggiamento repressivo del governo nei confronti dei manifestanti si è fatto più esplicito. A pattugliare il centro della capitale, oltre ai militari e ai celerini, sono tornate le milizie dell’RCD, armate di bastoni, spranghe di ferro e coltelli. Alle 18:00 l’avenue Habib Bourghiba sembra un campo di battaglia. Nell’aria l’odore acre del gas lacrimogeno. Le saracinesche dei negozi abbassate e un silenzio pesante, rotto soltanto dal rumore degli elicotteri che sorvolano il viale. Ammassati sulla strada gli ombrelloni divelti e le sedie sfasciate dei café, oltre ai contenitori garbage uprooted, surrounded by trash accumulated in a day so far peaceful. At each corner of the street, groups of police in riot gear are accompanied by armed civilians. Africa stationed in front of the hotel a dozen vans, on which agents are dragging men in handcuffs.

This is the culmination of a bloody day began a few hours earlier near the casbah, where hundreds of protesters refused to abandon the protest, despite intimidation by the police. "By midafternoon, the militias have penetrated the crowd and began to panic, throwing stones at the cops," refers to the lawyer Mohamed Ali Hichri, witnessed the incident along with other colleagues. "A few minutes before the soldiers present on the square had warned us:" we were ordered to retreat, they're coming to make a riot and massacre ', "says the lawyer. The intervention of the militias has sparked fierce reaction of the police, who cleared the streets of truncheon blows and tear gas. Among the demonstrators and wounded dozens of people ended up in handcuffs, while the militias were able to leave the area undisturbed in the direction of the casbah dell'avenue Habib Bourguiba, where they played the same scenario that recalls all too well the techniques "benaliane" sabotage the legitimacy of dissent and repression. According to the testimony of Ali Hichri, some gentlemen of the Bar, including Ahmed and Said el Haqmi Seddiqi, I note they have personally "that at least two corpses were taken away by police during clashes in the casbah, as stated in a statement delivered by the lawyers at the Justice Ministry. In the same statement the lawyers claim to have seen some agents after surgery, make up boxes of knives in the area of \u200b\u200bthe sit-in "to justify the massacre on the pretext that the protesters were armed." According to other witnesses present at the time of the arrival of troops and response della polizia, i morti sarebbero tre, tra cui una donna anziana soffocata dal gas e dalla calca prodottasi nella piazza.

I media locali tacciono

Il giorno dopo l’accesso alla casbah è ostruito da un recinto di filo spinato e da squadre di poliziotti che pattugliano i vicoli tortuosi della città vecchia. La piazza è vuota. Dei manifestanti non c’è più traccia. Alcuni hanno lasciato la capitale in modo precipitoso, altri hanno trovato riparo in ricoveri di fortuna, assistiti da dottori e avvocati accorsi volontariamente. La “carovana della libertà” has been wiped out. In Tunisia and the Democratic Revolutionary already seems to prohibit all forms of dissent.

Outside the courthouse, a few steps from the casbah, a final score of demonstrators arrested in recent days has just been released by the court. They got probation, while the defense has asked for an investigation into the violence committed by law enforcement. In their faces are still visible bruises from the blows received. One of them lifts his shirt and shows signs of burns and wounds scattered across the chest. It's called Faisal, has twenty-three and comes from Sidi Bouzid: "Yesterday, after the attack on the militias, the police I have loaded into a van. They said that I would accompany the bus to go home. Instead they beat me and locked in a basement all night. "

While foreign journalists left the country to reach Cairo, Tunis continue the violence and repression. Today (Saturday, January 29, note) the intersection between the Avenue Bourguiba and the Porte de France have reappeared militias, who attacked the procession of Fammes democrates (Association for secularism and equality of rights between men and women) and students high school, under the gaze of an accomplice special units. Local media are silent the incident, too committed themselves to cheer the new government of national unity and to demand the resumption of economic activity. "I refused the invitation of Nessma TV in protest against the report aired by the network in order to discredit the protesters in the casbah and justify the violence committed against them," says on his Facebook profile Tunisian journalist and writer Soufiane Ben Farhat . "For two weeks there is nothing to talk about press freedom and freedom of information, but apparently, in this second post-revolutionary republic, television and newspapers have only changed master", is the bitter comment of the lawyer Ali Hichri .

Petrol Go Kart Frames For Sale

Put an evening of bungabunga Arcore ... 10

Hands up who is not curious to learn more about the bunga bunga Pedusconi Arcore? Do not let the moralists
radical-chic and read these juicy intecettazioni.

Conversation Between Nicole Minetti and TM on the participation in the dinner organized Arcore 19.09.2010
Minetti: I just heard the boss of the boss told him tonight .. then ahhh look at that port a My friend, I'm good, I told him that he looks at the second graduation I told you to be a hard time .. Excellent., we see that he could not talk tonight .. thanks .. hello (..... )
Minetti: No, but I wanted it for a moment on what Briffa. in the sense .. swear that you do not take bad in the sense that they see all that is you and your TIFAI cocks dicks I do for my love But the sky 'will see each .. in the sense that the total that is more disperaticion e'e people understand .. it is the chance of a lifetime so I see any trust in me to bet on the Frenchman that he's Sbrocca Takes good and all. Tell him everything you do .. second degree .. .. you went to three months at the Sorbonne that he has studied it is enhanced at the Sorbonne is not bad going into details or (inaudible) see what you've done what you did .. you .. you made at the Sorbonne French course?? OKmmhh all these things to him like that .... ehh I say no no in the sense that in the sense to come into sympathy in the sense Meli said no teeth out .. There are various types of ... people is the bitch, there is a South American who does not speak Italian and comes from the favelas there is a bit 'more serious is the middle type Barbara Fagg and then there's me I do what I realized that here was just not to confuse the mass not Be Shy fregatene sbattetene cock and away we go ... ... no no it was right for ... in the sense that because before I spoke with obviously no Simo Simo knows where I go because it's not that I can not tell the rubbish, then I said look I said is also on the Meli ... then me .. nooo is not that bad because she takes Meli is a good girl because of here because of the listener .. I told Simon I said you take the evil of what?? eehhhh is only now that I want to say no, no, but you know. because then he which has the whole idea of \u200b\u200bwhat is still one that may not know who knows and who does not understand ..??

conversations intercepted after its participation.
TM BV @ Hello dear, it was just a greeting. How are you? As alla serata, posso solo dirti: allucinante! Però io non sono stata messa in difficoltà in alcun modo. Po @i ti dirò bene. Baci
B.V .
B. V.: pronto?
.......
T.M: no, io ti dico cheeee, ti posso dire una sola parola e poi magari ne parleremo a voce....
B.V.: mi hai scritto "allucinante"
T.M: a, ma no, uso una parola ancora più chiara, "un puttanaio" (sorride) cioè proprio... no no no no no, ma proprio no no no!
B.V.: cioè che non t'aspettavi?
T.M: no! Cioè, io posso aspettarmi che certe cose avvengano in privato, no? Perché ognuno fa assolutamente quello che vuole. Penso che non ci siano problemi se uno da adulto no? Con un altro adult ... for heaven's sake, go ahead. The problem is occurring in an absolutely shameless, nonchalant in front of everyone. Then this: last night the evening was
BV: teeritranquillaooo?
TM: but look, I'm quiet because ....
BV: Relatively?
TM and then makes the calls. Last night there were many girls, like a score, and there he and his loyal friend who has a role importanteeee, Bassino, mmmm, now goes well, however, very tan eee, which speaks well of him (Emilio Fede ed), the venerated, (ine.) you can come up with who he is, anyway ... eeee then there was yet another person (Carlo Rossella ed) their eemm these three just, and all girls. Eeeee we are your revenue without any kind of control in the sense that you come out of the house, eee say your name and go through the machine safely. I had my purse, my cell phone, no one looked at me, nobody asked me anything. Then, cross the threshold and enter. Eeee entry was cioèèèè own, but not informal, more. Why do these people call "love - darling" that is, but its level V. total of meanness. You do not imagine anything that you can imagine. Make it mmmm
BV: No, I can only imagine what is written in the newspapers.
TM here, practically in the newspapers say much less than the truth. That is, even when lOOO, even when, say, massacre, no, that is, is much worse! Much more sad and very piùùù. I tell you, there's nothing dangerous, it's all on me I just left a bad taste in my mouth. But not because I was afraid, no no no, for the desolation that is, you know when you see those things ...
...........
TM: (omitted) and 'a very nice person, much of the company, that is, the image (ine) is transmitted we say is true.
BV: nods
TM: sing, no no
BV: charisma, charismatic.
TM here, but no.
BVno?
TM: I ended a lot. Me. I felt have not faced him, but the caricatures of 'Bagaglino'
BV: nods
TM here, I lived like in the evening 'Bagaglino'. You know those dives that vulgarity is not even all that imaginative or built? It is not "Eyes Wide Shut" BV: nono
TM: The movie with Tom Cruise, that is, no!
BV: Nonono
TM: a trivial stuff here. I felt there. In this thing that at some point during the evening shift with Augustine, like Maria De Filippi, the one with the piano singing, at some point, no one knows how or why, someone started to show
the ass and the evening took off from there.
BV: ah!
TM: in a series di cose più o meno volgari, ma come se fosse naturale e ti dico tutti davanti a tutti quindi questo buttasù...
B. V. : ma questo a tavola? Dopo cena?
T.M: no no, a tavola mentre si mangiava. Dopo di che ci si è alzati e la cosa è peggiorata nella lato diciamo, no nel lato, in una sala-discoteca (in successive dichiarazioni definita la sala del bunga bunga n.d.r.) mmm è lì il degenero più totale cioè proprio siamo, ripeto, in un puttanaio in cui si ci si intrattiene come meglio si crede. Cioè, poi alla fine ognuno è libero di fare quello che vuole, nel senso che, è una casa privata no? E ti ripeto, io sottolineo che nessuno mi ha proposto nulla chiesto nulla alluso a niente cioè assolutamente no. Io sono stata tutta la sera seduta, piuttosto che a fumarmi la sigaretta piuttosto che a mandare un messaggio al cellulare, rispettata assolutamente. Dopo sai, anche solo il fatto di vedere certe cose, può metterti in difficoltà.
...........
T.M: vorrei sottolineare che il livello di bellezza, piuttosto che simpatia o intelligenza non era da dieci (10) e lode. Cioè, non tutte sono... c'è la disperata venezuelana che non parla una parola e che c'ha dei vestiti allucinanti, (tossisce) c'è neanche da dire che sono...
B. V. : (ine.) tutte è
T.M: dieci (10) belle ragazze e anche fini, perché una bella la Nicole va bene che ha una certa bellezza molto appariscente, però è a person who knows how to dress in the end no? And last night in fact (ine.) end. I can be less beautiful, but I have a certain kind of way you do, however, end ...
BV: Sisi TM: but no. There were some scary people.
BV: a low level anyway? Da da ...
TM: a very low level.
BV: ... things you see on television anyway?
TM: No, but there were subjects of that in that environment, I can quote you the 'Cipriani' (Francesca ed.)
BV: oooooo
TM: yes yes yes yes yes. absolutely.
BV: Oh she looks, she would like to know if there is or there is but I think there is. Sure!
TM: the beeper fine li è tutto... ti ripeto, un voler chiamare in quel cioè, io appunto, me ne sono stata in disparte e a fine serata mi ha anche chiesto: "ma ti sei divertita?" e io gli ho risposto:"bè, insomma, non è questo il mio modo", ma ti dico che anche fisicamente io lo vedevo diverso, nel senso che, quando tu puoi vedere certi discorsi che fa, ha un tipo di piglio, lascia stare che vedi che s'è rifatto che s'è tirato, però ha un piglio di una persona molto decisa cioè, anche come parla è un comunicatore no? Almeno in quello è uno che si vende bene....
B.V.: per quello ti dicevo carsimatico, nel senso che...
T.M: e invece no. Sembrava un guarda, ti dico, mi viene bene la figura the 'Bagaglino' that is a travesty ....
BV: a caricature of himself.
TM: Yes, bru .. look, something very bad and very sad.
BV: why so much want to tell you, that is, it is completely excluded from what is their say so, I mean their profession.
TM: Absolutely. Maybe I thought that he maintained an attitude and then did his business. But no. Absolutely not. That is, he is in a certain way, but very low and I regret it, BHO? No need ...
.............
TM: Yes. I can tell you safely to be understood, I repeat, I have arrived and entered directly into this stanza e appunto ci si rivolge con appellativi 'AMORE TESORO' e lui risponde 'CIAO' Sara, Francesca, Antonella ah, ci sei anche tu? La ragazza dalle due lauree piacere, siccome so che ti piace il francese 'enchanté' di qua e di là, quindi, questo è stato l'approccio, cioè, amici miei no io mi ero studiata tutto buona sera, di qua e di là, come mi rivolgo gli do del voi, faccio l'inchino... sto par di coioni! Capito?
B. V. : ma perché quindi le persone ovviamente gli dan tutte del tu?
T.M: si, ma perché non saprebbero coniugare i verbi a una diversa persona, molte (ride) va be, e poi perché loro stesse si pongono così cioè proprio da ere., cioè no ma, sono persone also very limited, however, I tell you, if I see a major character, the producer
BV (ine.) than from.
TM film, I went to introduce myself and I told , that is, as he looked at me and almost like being there but I risked out of place, because if they want to be free of the beasts and idiots who see a has in some way .... BV: (ine.) the paradox just
TM: Siiiii
BV: a paradox.
TM: they feel embarrassed.
BV (ine.)
TM: I was embarrassed.
BV: you think!
TM: I was embarrassed.
BV: maaa. but your partner was quiet? TM: No! no no no no no lei stessa si è prestata assolutamente al gioco (in successive dichiarazioni emerge che Nicole Minetti avrebbe fatto uno spogliarello travestita da uomo n.d.r.). Io poi ne ho parlato e lei ee molto tranquilla, nel senso che la Nichi non è una che ti dice le puttanate o si nasconde dietro un dito, altrimenti non mi avrebbe portato, quindi io questo l'ho apprezzato alla fine, e lei...
B.V.: (ine.) T.M: a sicuramente, lei poteva evitare, e ciao. Quindi evidentemente per le persone ne vale la pena per alcune no? Per soldi, far prestarsi a certe cose, per me neanche per tutto l'oro del mondo.
B. V.: quindi tu., diciamo, domando, non faresti a cambio con la sua posizione?
T.M: ma neanche, te lo giuro, per all the gold in the world. But why am I me and not changing at all. Then if ....
BV: No, but .. Now why joked a bit ', but the other day from, and I know that anadvi there for who knows what purpose, but still as mean, come on?
TM: yes yes yes yes
BV: are people .. asp you .. that is, just by your words you say mmmm, not a person who may consider it all bad, is a person who can give you many ideas right? That is, you know ...
TM: Yes, the problem is that
BV: is not an interesting person?
TM: brava! No, no it was not.
BV: And you had, then as you say, l'avevi non ti dico che Taveviiii (ine,) andavi con quello scopo, però come dire, dai? Se magari c'è l'occasione
T.M: sì! Sì Sì avre.. sì, perché pensavo però che l'approccio fosse diverso, che ci fosse un momento, adesso non voglio dirti istituzionale, no? Perché no! Però pensavo ci fosse un momento serio e poi, ripeto, un degenero o un cambiamento di cosa in cui però mi
faccio i fatti miei. Quindi, se avessi avuto un canale in cui della serie, faccio un colloquio con una persona no? E questa persona mi dice eh! sarei andata, capisci? ma posto che, si è aperta un tipo di serata in cui io non so se lui sapeva, o comunque capirà, che io non ero I proposed, in that capacity, but even more I ask myself the question, that is, or Nicole calls me and tells me see, you want to talk and I tell him and he , this do not come any more, says no no no but meet me at the office at four o'clock, okay? It 's another matter. And then we also thought them very well, because again, I do not like! but I asked Nicole, but some people do not seem to me that all of the beefy as they do have certain roles, the road is unique? And she told me


TM 20.09.2010 Interview with his father
......
TM: Yes, but what I did., We say that an account is made to think that things happen in disparte no..un conto
Papà : davanti a tutti ??
T.M.:si si ma te la dico in una parola per essere fini ....un puttanaio
Papà .ma ho già capito...un'orgia..
T.M.: no, no, no, no, no, non no alt no pero cioè hai capito diciamo che gli approcci erano quelli però non è che c'è niente di...
Papà :ah gli approcci erano quelli
T.M. : pero'sì, si, si, si
Papà .tipo mani in mezzo alle gambe robe così?
T.M.: si quelle robe se dai
Papà .anche lui?
T.M.:: no no, no, no solo lui
Papà : solo lui
T.M.: : ver so le verso le 20 che c'erano
Papà : solo lui mmhh
T.M.: : There was his friend (it seems incomprehensible lick) (Emilio Fede ed)
Dad: okay okay okay I understand
TM: then another that instead I was very disappointed because I did it .. a person of importance ( Carlo Rossella ed)
Dad: I know but ehh but when they are in front of that thing there, all men are equal
TM: behh father at certain levels but you can also get one at the top and make some things even 5 at a time but that is not in a room with four first Oscar in front of a do not know anyone who might be because no one asked me a document
Dad: You got already ... ehh maybe maybe You got already checked before ..
T. M: But before when? ?
Dad: Well, maybe You got checked before and do not know
TM: Dii I went with a private car driven by my house I opened my ehh ehh the main gate from there I went without that then ehh pero '. .
say that Dad: you say (inaudible) for me to control you
TM: Ahhpoi we'll talk more .. but I do not know how
Dad: (laughter) okay baby ... but now you're home now seitranquilla? '
TM: No, but some that are quiet but in the sense that ... ehh I'll tell you then fine but never coming e'ho but not because something bad if I see an ass, it is now ....
Dad: No no no it's not your ... I know I know but I understand but you are my daughter
TM: But no no no
Dad: only that nothing diiiii
TM: nothing ... no no it
Dad: no words just that then maybe next time I see you when I remember that I put my hands there then maybe you entrust a task
TM: No, but that is not no you were wrong is just another thing that is in that context that you're the one that you present does not exist or are there more for evenings and nights when 'is more or less party party
Dad: Then and then, as Nicole ...
TM: I fucking led us to ask him to do and the answer was (laughter) There are nights eh in cui ci sono., gli va di far festa e quindi via e le serate in cui si è in 4 e quindi la cosa prende un'altra piega
Papà: mmhh
T.M :e lui è abituato ovviamente che la disponibilità è da parte di tutti e tutte no..
Papà: è certo sennò cosa sei andata li a fare ..di sta a casa tua
T.M : No, no, io sto per i cavoli miei
Papà: va bene amore mio ti lascio....

Wedding Programs In Spanish

Il regime algerino ha due alternative: la transizione democratica o l’esplosione imminente

Today will be held in Algiers, the demonstration by the opposition party of Said Sadi (Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Democratie), which was signed by some of the independent trade unions are not recognized by the regime, as well as leading figures in the same Benbitour association of students of Tizi Ouzou. The city is militarized and authorities, through a statement issued by the prefecture of the capital, have banned the march, announcing arrests and trials for those who disobey orders. The clash seems inevitable. Among the requests made by Sadi, the transition to a democratic regime that guarantees the rights and freedoms of citizens and the release of protesters arrested during the riots broke out throughout Algeria early in January. Between 5 and 9 January, the revolt in the wake of the lifting innescatasi Tunisian had caused five deaths and injured more than eight hundred (almost all from the ranks of the police), while more than a thousand people (including some journalists documenting events) ended up in jail on charges of attempted murder and devastation. On this occasion there was talk of a violent reaction of the population as a result raising the prices of essential goods, so that the government had now decided to review the cost of flour, oil and sugar. But what happened in the two weeks that followed the lifting, continuous student protests and suicides chain all over the country, has demonstrated that the anger expressed by the Algerian is rooted much more in depth. That offered by the government "is a purely technical response to a violent protest that only the blind can reduce the cost of living increase," said advisedly January 10 Le Quotidien d'Oran . The Algerian people seem weary of an authoritarian regime that denies its citizens the basic freedoms of which is the guarantor of the Constitution itself. Seem to have enough of a management of the State patronage and the Mafia, so similar to that of the fugitive Ben Ali, dispossessing them of substantial revenues from oil recipes.

"The regime has only two alternatives: the transition to democracy or explosion imminent", was stated by former Prime Minister Bouteflika (December 1999-August 2000) Ahmed Benbitour daily El Khabar January 20 last year. Benbitour for the Algerian power structure is now faced with a dilemma: leave intact the current situation, with the risk of an explosion imminent, or immediately start a political opening that preserves Algeria from one scenario to the "Tunisian". The "revolution of jasmine, which has wiped out in less than a month, the President Ben Ali, his clan, his police and his dictatorial regime, would not seem offer more leeway to the managers of the country.

Waiting to see what happens in Algeria in the coming hours, what will the reaction of the authorities against demonstrators and which of the two directions indicated by Ahmed Benbitour imboccherà the regime, I propose the synthesis of certain articles and interviews published in recently by the independent Algerian press and blogs.

The government mobilized police to stop the television and radio show: Algiers under pressure

(DNA-Algérie, 21 January 2011, Sihem Balhi)

The RCD continues in its intent and the government as well. The Algerian authorities have asked the people not to respond to the opposition, urging them not to attend the event scheduled for Saturday, January 22 in downtown Algiers in order to invoke the democratic opening of the scheme. The march was opened RCD (Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Democratie), opposition party which has 19 deputies of the National People on 385 total.

"We ask people to show wisdom and not to respond to any provocation intended to undermine their peace, the quiet life and serenity," is what is indicated in the statement of the prefecture di Algeri trasmesso giovedì sera all’agenzia algerina APS, che aggiunge: “la manifestazione di sabato non ha ricevuto l’autorizzazione dei servizi amministrativi competenti”. La prefettura ricorda che “le manifestazioni ad Algeri non sono autorizzate” e che “ogni assembramento in strada di più di tre persone è considerato come un attacco all’ordine pubblico”. Di fatto i cortei sono vietati nel paese dal 1992, vale a dire dalla proclamazione della stato d’assedio agli albori della guerra civile. Da giovedì sera, il comunicato viene diffuso ininterrottamente dalla radio e dalla televisione di stato. Come se non bastasse, in queste ultime ore la polizia ha inviato ingenti rinforzi – more than 10 000 men - to the capital's police stations, while access to the city will be banned since dawn. Since the beginning of the week many anti-riot police vans were placed in front of the headquarters of UGT (Union générale des travailleurs algériens, the union official accused by protesters of wanting to sabotage the event of provocation by blows, ed), in close of the People's Assembly and Senate.

Despite the ban, the RCD leader said he was determined to keep your appointment, initially scheduled for January 18 and then postponed to 22. The march to urge the government wants to repeal the law since June 2001 back to the state of siege (there was a brief interruption between 1999 and 2001, ed), in addition to invoking the opening up of audio-visual and the release of jailed protesters after the uprising broke out in early January. The authorities have announced on their part that the arrest of all those that do not meet the requirements of the institutions.

"If it is not the opposition to mobilize the masses I believe we will see even more devastating events than those recorded in Tunisia," said Said Sadi Reuters Thursday. "There's anger and resentment are stronger than in Tunis." Sadi said also that the resolution of political crisis in Algeria can not be separated from the reduction of the role of the army. "It is not for the military to take decisions, the army has become an institution of the state and put at his service. We need a net change of the political system, we need transparency, the establishment of the rule of law and democracy. "

The desperation of Algeria and the official silence

( El Watan, January 18, 2011, Ghana Lassale)

Five Algerians (the number increased to ten in the last four days , ndt), in diverse regioni del paese, hanno provato ad immolarsi dandosi alle fiamme. Tali atti, tanto simbolici quanto violenti, non sembrano tuttavia capaci di scuotere i nostri ufficiali. Non una reazione, né una dichiarazione, nemmeno un commento di indignazione o di compassione. Solo il silenzio più ottuso. Pertanto questi “fatti di cronaca” dovrebbero sollevare più di una domanda. Tanto più che da qualche anno tendono a moltiplicarsi sotto diverse forme. Sebbene ognuna di queste persone abbia le proprie motivazioni, i loro gesti servono a testimoniare la disperazione più profonda e la perdita di fiducia nella giustizia. A mancare non sono certo gli esempi. Di simili “fatti di cronaca” si parla e si è parlato quotidianamente. And if you are horrified, and rightly so, faced with the ways used to Tebessa or Bordj Menaiel, these same modes are not really new. Many people come to the point of making such gestures.

In May 2004, a family from Djelfa was introduced in maison de presse Thar Djaout and set himself on fire in front of some journalists. His clothes were soaked with gasoline. He hoped in this way to denounce "the desperation ( hogra in Arabic), injustice and corruption." The man died a few days after the act of desperation, because of wounds and burns. October 2009 is an entire family brushes with death near Chlef. A family of only twenty-five years wanted to protest against the demolition of his house. Accompanied by his wife and three year old daughter, the man poured gasoline is opposite the headquarters of the council, then repeating the operation on the body of his wife and daughter. Turned into human torches, the three have escaped death only thanks to emergency rescuers.

Everything leads us to think that these acts are carried out only by young unemployed people in despair. But it is not. Last October, a fifty in Tiaret, widow and mother of three children, was refused the assignment di un alloggio comunale. Per contestare l’ingiustizia subita, la donna, che lavorava con una ditta di pulizie, si versata addosso una tanica di combustibile nella sede dell’assemblea locale. Al momento di darsi fuoco è stata salvata da alcuni elementi della protezione civile.

Le difficili condizioni di vita spingono gli algerini anche ad altri gesti ugualmente disperati, meno spettacolari forse, ma di sicuro più ricorrenti. Almeno una trentina di suicidi al mese sono i dati ufficialmente recensiti nel paese. E una nuova forma di protesta sembra aver fatto ormai la sua comparsa: il suicidio collettivo. Nel luglio del 2010, una trentina di disoccupati della provincia di Ouargla aveva minacciato di gettarsi dal tetto dell’ANEM della city. A final attempt to understand their voice, after waiting in vain for the agency to procure any employment. A few days before, the same terror had led a dozen boys to attack the seat of the municipal council. After you get injuries all over his body, were sprinkled with petrol to cry, "or the sea or suicide." They are in fact many still choose the way of the sea, the harragas . Migrants who "burn ( harge in Arabic) border" jumping at random in the open sea in small boats, which are also synonymous with suicide. At the height of cynicism and contempt, the authorities have not been able to do better agreed that a series of legal measures to punish this kind of behavior.

Interview with Algerian political scientist Ali Abdesselam -Rached, created by Cherfaoui for Zine El Watan (January 18, 2011)

What is your reading of the riots that have shaken the largest cities in the country last week? What do you expect from such an explosion?

The riots have become a recurrent phenomenon for several years. Generally they are lifting local, often ephemeral. The revolt is the only means of expression, since the regime has closed the channels of communication with society. Personally, I have repeatedly denounced the national press that closure of the political and media, at the base of the lifts. Then, the explosion had early in January I was not at all surprised.

shares the view of some observers that limit the events to a problem of rising prices and cost of living?

The price of essential goods is but a pretext. They are the parents to be affected by rising cost of living and not the young protesters. The real reason is the malaise of the revolt, as a condition of survival, precarious and unstable, which nullifies even the hope of a better future. The result is i suicidi, le partenze per mare, gli harragas . Ricordiamoci quello che gridavano i giovani cabili durante la rivolta della primavera 2001: “non potete ucciderci, siamo già morti”. L’umiliazione dovuta alla hogra porta a gesti estremi, come i suicidi, oppure al risveglio della dignità dell’individuo, come nel caso delle manifestazioni a sostegno dei detenuti finiti in carcere dopo la rivolta di inizio gennaio.

Perché in Algeria è così difficile la costruzione di un’alternativa democratica?

Alla base c’è un grande ritardo nella costruzione di un vero spirito civico e partecipativo. La causa sta in un sistema educational archaic, due more to a propaganda machine (Islam, the Arab nation and the revolution) to an institution that is intended to forge a critical spirit and to provide knowledge. A responsibility that goes back to this type of regime established since 1962. Besides this, the repressive system and the police policy preventing the emergence of independent actors in civil society. Until a few years ago the field of city was occupied only by Islamists, with the clear blessing of the apparatus of power.

What happened in Tunisia may be reproduced in Algeria?

not short-term and not with the same outcome, at least for a good reason. The Tunisian army refused to shoot at the demonstrators and then to serve the popular uprising. In Algeria, where the military and intelligence services are the nerve center of the system, it is impossible to imagine a similar conclusion.

Freedom of expression is restricted

( El Watan, January 19, 2011, Nadja Bouaricha)

front of the narrowing of the channels of free expression, the square is the ' only space for popular demands. In Algeria, from January 9, 1992, remains in force for the state of emergency. Policy makers and trade unions, so as defenders of human rights, are subject to all taxes due the hostility of the environment. The constitutional right to form a political party is violated, as to create a newspaper independent and free from the apparatus of power. The streets of Algiers remain under close supervision, well reinforced the slightest suspicion of peaceful demonstrations or protests. Algiers today lives under an oppressive climate of fear, afraid of a possible contagion of revolution Tunisia.

vans of riot control units are ubiquitous. Telephone lines and disturbed some social networks blacked out. A simple coincidence? "The state of emergency to provide personal laws and institutions needed to block lo spazio fisico e legale alla libera espressione. Per esempio il codice penale, che limita notevolmente la libertà di stampa. Quindi, non solamente questa legge deve essere abrogata, ma vanno eliminati anche tutti quei dispositivi che ne conseguono e che sono stati tenuti nascosti per anni, restituendo la libertà ai giornalisti, ai sindacalisti e ai partiti politici. Ancora meglio, è tutto il clima che gira attorno a questi dispositivi che deve essere cambiato”, afferma il primo segretario del Front des Forces Socialistes, Karim Tabbou.

Per l’avvocato Mustafa Bouchachi, presidente della Lega algerina per i diritti dell’uomo, “lo stato di emergenza è mantenuto contro la società civil opposition and in general all Algerians. " "If the regime had grasped the message launched by young people in revolt earlier this month, would move quickly to repeal this law freedom. Not only is unemployment have led to the Algerians in the protest, but also the closure of political space and media - remember Bouchachi - Algeria is one of the few Arab countries to prevent citizens to demonstrate in support of Gaza. After ten years (the restoration of martial law after the Civil War took place in June 2001, ed) are still banned demonstrations and sit-ins. Any application for authorization is systematically denied. We must lift the state of emergency, or the country will live a true social explosion. "

Meziane Merian, coordinator of the Syndicat National Autonome des professeurs, reaffirmed that a state of emergency limits the freedom and rights of Algerians, including those unions. "In many cases we have held demonstrations and sit-in, as forbidden in the state of siege. We were beaten and transferred to police stations. I think every citizen has a duty to seek the repeal of this law, maintained since 2001 to address the terrorist threat, but now no longer any reason to exist. " "They take decisions on our behalf without us and prevent us from even publicly express our rejection," reiterated Lyes Merabet, president of the independent trade union of public health workforce. For Djemma Mohamed, a member of the Mouvement pour la Societe et la Paix (MSP), "this situation has lasted too long and must be solely for the benefit of the power it takes to keep the pressure on civil society. The result is that city streets are empty and its representative elements, designed to frame the society and to promote peaceful protests have been wiped out. " The Member of the MSP, while part of the alliance president, believes that this situation is a "sword of Damocles that weighs on the head of parties and trade unions, which can not be expressed in square e per le strade come invece sarebbe loro diritto”.

“Non possiamo più parlare di stato d’assedio, ma di stato totalitario”

( El Watan , 19 gennaio 2011, Said Rabia)

Il sindacalista Mohamed Badaoui è stato arrestato per aver inviato degli sms che descrivevano la situazione all’interno del paese. Cosa pensa un uomo di diritto come lei sulla legalità dell’accesso al contenuto delle comunicazioni private e delle intercettazioni telefoniche?

Analizzare la situazione generale del paese, avere un proprio parere sugli eventi che succedono e far circulate their ideas are of fundamental rights. Article 39 of the Constitution states: "guaranteed the secrecy of private correspondence and communications." The problem therefore lies not in the text, but in his respect. In a country like ours, where justice is brought to enforce the instructions from the top instead of the law, the citizen has no guarantee.

think the state of siege may constitute, for power, a sufficient argument to justify the use of such a practice?

The state of siege may restrict some liberties in the fight against terrorism and only for a short period, but can not, however, undermine the fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Constitution. Today we can no longer talk of martial law, but of the totalitarian state.

What are the consequences that may result in a breach in the current context, marked by recent demonstrations around the country and what is happening in Tunisia?

violations of public freedoms (association, assembly, expression) and the rights of man and citizen are now a reality for some time and in the absence of safeguards such as judicial independence and the separation of powers, we can expect the worst.

Aluminium Boat Flooring Installation

Il regime marocchino orfano di Ben Ali

The seed of revolution Tunisia seems to expand to neighboring countries such as Egypt and Algeria. And what's going on in Morocco? Apparently everything is quiet, maybe too comfortable, explained the journalist Zineb El Rhazoui (formerly Journal Hebdomadaire) in the brief analysis published in Voxmaroc , a blog created by the same independent news and Zineb Ali Amar (founder and former director Le Journal Hebdomadaire).

The Alawite kingdom seems immersed in a calm "precarious" from 14 January. That Friday evening, many Moroccans celebrated the fall of the despot of Carthage in the bars of Casablanca or Rabat, ma le dimostrazioni di gioia, pur sincere, non sono andate oltre. Il makhzen incombe. Il giorno prima della fuga del dittatore, decine di attivisti avevano organizzato un sit-in di solidarietà popolare di fronte all’ambasciata tunisina. Sono stati dispersi a colpi di manganello dalla polizia di Mohammed VI. Al momento della partenza di Ben Ali gli stessi attivisti sono ritornati, vittoriosi, davanti all’ambasciata, ma questa volta a riceverli c’erano solo un pugno di agenti dall’aspetto affabile. E’ evidente che la rivoluzione del gelsomino non è stata ben accolta dalle autorità marocchine. Nessuna dichiarazione ufficiale del governo, nessun partito politico ha osato pronunciarsi e, salvo rare eccezioni, quello che resta della stampa nazionale ha deciso di voltare lo sguardo altrove. Le tre televisioni marocchine, quanto a loro, hanno preferito concentrare i loro telegiornali sulle attività quotidiane del monarca, consuetudine ininterrotta dall’epoca di Hassan II.

Sarà la quiete che preannuncia la tempesta ? La paura ben dissimulata degli ufficiali marocchini sembrerebbe avallare questa ipotesi, dal momento che in Marocco il regime Ben Ali era preso a modello. Al momento dell’ascesa al trono nel luglio 1999 Mohammed VI, giovane sovrano in cerca di legittimazione, desideroso di fornire un’immagine di cambiamento, aveva parlato di “nuovo concetto di autorità” per rompere con il regime di polizia istituito dal padre negli previous years. But the Islamist attacks in Casablanca on 16 May 2003 marked a new turning point in Moroccan politics just established. The king announced in a now famous speech "The end of laissez-faire." Since then, the Moroccan regime has taken on a semblance decidedly benaliana.

As in Tunisia, the Moroccan model has bet on a brisk economic development, openness of markets, to mask a clear security-tight within the country. Associations and newspapers were closed, but it does not matter as long as the big chain stores and international businesses open their doors on the Moroccan economy. As in Tunisia, the monarch and his entourage do the lion's share of economic development in this front, driven by the greed of a caste in the service of his majesty, that takes advantage of a climate most favorable time for the family business. Moreover, the discomfort of the Moroccan regime before the fall dell'alleato Tunisian can also be explained by the dark economic ties that exist between the two Maghreb countries. The Moroccan Attijariwafabank bank, a subsidiary of holding real ONA / SNI, had incorporated the Banque du Sud, a Tunisian private bank headed by Sakhr El Materi, son of Ben Ali. This controversial character is thus directly associated with Mohammed VI, so that some months ago was greeted with full honors in Morocco, where his company (which sells cars) will be the first foreign company to be listed on the Casablanca stock exchange, thus allowing them to transfer capital in the kingdom. Therefore, if France has announced the freezing of bank accounts of the family Ben Ali, Morocco refrained from doing so.

As in Tunisia, there is something rotten in the regime of Mohammed VI. Long before the gesture made by Mohamed Bouzizi, the diplômes-chomeurs Moroccans have chosen to give to the flames, more than one occasion, amid general indifference. Since the new king ascended the throne, there were riots in Sefrou, Sidi Ifni, Al Hoceima and, recently, in Laayoune, suppressed systematically with violence. Because these episodes have never sparked a revolution? Why Mohammed VI was able to negotiate a transition with a thin veneer of concessions in the field of rights and freedoms. But this, far from having entered Morocco in the track of democracy, are shrinking gradually acquires the Sovereign security and control over the elites of the country. To pay the price in recent months were the independent press, political opposition, civil society and individual freedoms as a whole. If these safety valves, already limited at the start, will continue to be reduced is the risk that the lid is lifted the system, as happened in neighboring Tunisia.

(January 20, 2011)

Norton Security Rogers

La rivoluzione è contagiosa

The use of suicide as a last attempt of rebellion against misery and repression is expanding rapidly in the Arab countries. Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt and even Mauritania. Monday, 17 January a young Mauritanian set himself on fire in Nouakchott, opposite the presidential palace, to express his anger against the regime led by General Abdelaziz coup, according to reports from local media sources. The same day, in Cairo, the owner of a small restaurant has poured gasoline in front of Parliament and set fire on his body. The gesture was imitated in the morning following two other young Egyptians, immolatisi front of the building where it meets the Council of Ministers. The three, like the young Mauritanian, are hospitalized with burns spread on all parts of the body. In Algeria, already seven suicide attempts reported by Wednesday, January 12. The last case Tuesday, January 18: A woman set herself on fire in the province of Sidi Belabs (600 km south-west of Algiers) after local authorities had refused to grant a subsidy for housing. Before her two young unemployed in a region Mostaghanem (350 km west of Algiers) and the other near Tebessa (on the border with Tunisia) had tried to end their life in the same way.

The extreme gesture by Bouaziz Mohamed Sidi Bouzid December 17 last year, which gave way to the lifting of the Tunisian people to overthrow the dictator Ben Ali, seems to have an echo and a surprising spread between Arab societies and Arab -Berber region, united by the authoritarian and repressive state power and the serious socio-economic conditions which are facing. Bouaziz, unemployed twenty-six died on January 4 due to burns, has become a martyr for "jasmine revolution" and a landmark reference in both the Maghreb and in the whole Arab world. The risk of infection care schemes in the area, qualified certainly not by popular consent, but state police monitor populations for decades in which up to now remained enslaved. Various Bouteflika, Mubarak and even their Western backers (the U.S. and France), while congratulating the Tunisian people, feel more than ever threatened by the danger that the revolutionary seed will expand to other companies in the region.

Here's an article on the same topic published by the Algerian daily El Watan January 16, 2011.

Arab regimes on alert

The fall of the powerful Zine El Abidine Ben Ali after twenty-three years of absolute rule, sotto le pressioni di una autentica rivolta di popolo, mette i regimi arabi in stato di allerta. Coscienti della loro ampia impopolarità, della loro illegittimità e del risentimento covato dalla popolazione, i dirigenti arabi cercano di premunirsi contro la diffusione di uno “scenario alla tunisina”.

Pur precipitandosi a dichiarare il proprio sostegno al popolo tunisino in rivolta e ormai rivoluzionario, i regimi arabi si preparano fin da ora a neutralizzare un possibile contagio. “La rivoluzione tunisina è il primo sollevamento popolare di questo tipo che riesce a rovesciare un capo di stato in un regime arabo. Può essere una fonte di ispirazione per l’intera regione”, afferma Amir Hamzawi, ricercatore the American Foundation Carnegie Endowment. According to him, "the ingredients found in Tunisia are present throughout the area." Arab societies all live under the same terms as the Tunisian: people enslaved, suppressed opposition, denied rights, freedom confiscated, widespread corruption and widespread poverty .. This observation is valid for all the Arab regimes. From Morocco to Algeria, from Egypt to Jordan, we find these factors "detonators". Social injustice and the closing of political space are generating disgust, loathing and exasperation.

Similarities

Arab societies, who feel a state of total abandonment, are likely to pour out their anger on the streets, squares, as has been well demonstrated by the Tunisians, who lived in one of the toughest police state since the time of independence (1956 ). Now nothing is impossible. What happened in Tunisia shows that change can come from companies themselves, that no dictator can resist the will of a people united in revolt. "We hope that what happened in Tunisia could be repeated in other Arab countries, where leaders are rusting in their seats of power," says the editor of a Lebanese television station. The Tunisian experience shows that there is no more Need a democracy exported shots of bombing and invasion, an American, to free oppressed peoples.

An extraordinary ability to adapt

"The echo of this event, unprecedented in the Arab world will undoubtedly hear more than one country in the region," declared the Lebanese newspaper Annahar editorial published yesterday. Some Egyptians were united Friday in Cairo, a group of Tunisians who were celebrating in front of their embassy, \u200b\u200bthe flight of President Ben Ali, and called themselves the departure of Hosni Mubarak, in power since 1981. "Egyptians ascoltate i tunisini, ora è il vostro turno!”, erano gli slogan scanditi dai manifestanti.

In Giordania migliaia di persone hanno manifestato in diverse città per protestare contro la crescita della disoccupazione e dell’inflazione, ma anche per invocare la fine del regime. In Algeria gli scontri sono cominciati ad inizio gennaio, dopo l’innalzamento dei prezzi dei prodotti di largo consumo. Ma anche se il messaggio proveniente dalla Tunisia è percepito in modo chiaro, il suo impatto a corto termine e i rischi di contagio restano difficili da valutare nell’immediato. I regimi autoritari arabi hanno dimostrato di avere una buona capacità di adattamento alle novità e ai venti di cambiamento. Alcuni esempi meritano di essere sottolineati. La rivolta algerina del 1988, assetata di diritti e di libertà, è stata dirottata ed ha permesso al sistema politico di rigenerarsi instaurando una democrazia di facciata. Anche in Siria la “primavera di Damasco” sbocciata nel 2000 è stata soffocata sul nascere. Diversamente dal regime di Ben Ali, estremamente totalitario e repressivo, in Algeria, in Marocco e in Egitto gli apparati di potere concedono piccole valvole di sfogo alla società civile e alle opposizioni. Altri invece, immersi nel petrolio come l’Arabia Saudita e la Libia, riescono a comprare il silenzio dei rispettivi popoli.

Per Claire Spencer, a capo del programma Medio Oriente e Nord Africa dell’Istituto Chatam House (London), the possibility that Algeria to follow a trend, "the Tunisian" remains a big question. It 'clear that most Arab regimes are under tension for the possibility of a contagion of revolution Tunisia. But it is difficult to say with equal certainty that a similar scenario to reproduce itself in other Arab countries. When it comes to riot in the streets, all scenarios are possible ... even darker.

(Mokrane Ait Ouarabi)

Webbed Toes More Condition_symptoms

La Tunisia in marcia

Monday, January 17, just three days after the stampede of the dictator Ben Ali from Tunisia and success della “rivoluzione del pane” (in seguito ribattezzata “rivoluzione del gelsomino”), il primo ministro ad interim Mohamed Ghannouchi ha annunciato la composizione del governo provvisorio che guiderà il paese verso le elezioni legislative e presidenziali previste entro giugno 2011. Per la prima volta nella storia del paese tre dirigenti storici dell’opposizione, due dei quali non hanno mai avuto rappresentanza in parlamento, sono entrati a far parte dell’esecutivo. Tuttavia, i segnali di continuità con il vecchio regime restano evidenti e preoccupano il popolo tunisino. Nel nuovo governo di unità nazionale, dodici dei diciannove seggi previsti sono occupati da membri della RCD (Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique), il partito del presidente deposto. Sei tra questi, già in carica nel precedente esecutivo, rivestono i ministeri di maggior potere (oltre al primo ministro, il ministro degli Esteri, il ministro dell’Interno, della Difesa e delle Finanze).

Alle numerose critiche levatesi nel paese all’annuncio del nuovo governo di transizione si è aggiunta la voce di Rachid Ghannouchi, leader del movimento islamico Annahda (“la rinascita”), in esilio a Londra dal 1991 (dopo che il suo partito, premiato con il 17% dei voti alle elezioni legislative, era stato dichiarato illegale da Ben Ali). Secondo Ghannouchi il nuovo esecutivo “non assicura quella rottura necessaria con il regime appena deposto”; the way to go would be instead the formation of a constitutional council that includes the forces of civil society and not only the political parties, and finally the promulgation of a truly democratic constitution.

spokesman of the movement in France, Hocine Jaziri, stated that "Rachid Ghannouchi not will be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election." Annahda instead participate in legislative elections, it decided to give its contribution to the country's democratic transition. "If we are not recognized as a political party we will face a serious problem of representation and popular support," said Jaziri, that the transitional government was added: "There is a government of national unity but national exclusion." A position shared by Moncef Marzuki, the leader of the Congres pour la Republique (secular left) returned from exile at this very hour. For the opponent, "Tunisia deserves better." "Nearly a hundred dead in four weeks of the revolution for what? A government of national unity has only the name, because they are mostly members of the old dictatorship, "said Marzuki who then urged his countrymen not to let our guard down:" I believe that the Tunisian people are not so easily deceived by this masquerade. "

A ventiquattro ore dalla formazione del nuovo esecutivo già tre membri del governo Ghannouchi, un ministro e due sottosegretari appartenenti alla Union Generale des Travailleurs Tunisiens, si sono dimessi dal loro incarico, dopo che il sindacato a cui appartengono ha dichiarato di “non riconoscere il nuovo governo”. In tutto il paese migliaia di persone hanno sfidato lo stato d’assedio ancora in vigore per manifestare la loro contrarietà ad un governo troppo legato al vecchio regime. A Tunisi questa mattina duecento persone hanno sfilato nella avenue Habib Bourghiba con in mano ramoscelli di olivo, filoni di pane e fiori di gelsomino, scandendo slogan contro il partito dell’ex dittatore Ben Ali, prima di venire disperse by force by the police. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets in Sfax, Tunisia's second city, and Bouziz Sidi, the village where he had kicked off the revolution of Tunisia on 17 December. Meanwhile the streets of the capital's continuing armed clashes between the military and militias loyal to the old regime, who seek to sow chaos, moving into neighborhoods with well-armed and special vehicles.

The following two articles published in the blog Nawaat.org (independent team blog launched in 2004 and obscured by the Ben Ali government), addressing the issue of political transition. A delicate stage, say the young bloggers, that the country is facing after four weeks of the revolution (78 dead according to official government), which put an end to a regime that lasted twenty-four years and established a dictatorship ever since independence (1956).

The real miracle Tunisian

Unpredictable, dazzling, exciting, historical ... So we can describe what is now defined by all the "revolution of Tunisia." A Revolution in particular, carried out by a particular people, rich history, remarkable for its openness and its peaceful nature. They are young people build the future of a nation and its young people, frustrated by the lack of prospects, as evidenced by the act brave and made desperate by Mohammed Bouaziz, have saved the nation, have triggered an uprising that involved all Tunisians quickly, reaching anywhere in the country.

The maturity of a people

The lifting of the Tunisian people, then translated into revolution, it is even more remarkable since it implemented in a mature and peaceful manner. Of course, some protesters returned fire and police sharpshooters stationed on the roofs of buildings by throwing stones. It 's true that the symbols of the regime, as the headquarters of the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique, were looted and burned. But is not this further evidence of Its peaceful, given the numerous killings and arbitrary killings of civilians that we have seen? As no surprise that the situation is degenerate, while the government ordered to shoot even the funeral processions of citizens killed in the street? In many other countries to follow the insurgency would be so much rage and violence. But in this case is the perseverance of a people educated and responsible, to which too often has been promised the power to decide their own future, which has prevailed.

The army, bulwark of the republic

Tunisian armed forces, who intervened only in the third week of lifting, have shown of exemplary behavior, gaining the respect of the population. Ill-equipped since independence from Bourguiba disinclined to military elites, the army has always been confined in his miserable barracks, far from Carthage. However, it was able to regain his role as chief protector of the republic, when the Chief of Staff, Rachid Ammar has refused to fire on demonstrators. Those same protesters who sought cover behind the truck of the armed forces from the blows of the police, the only true guardian of the regime of Ben Ali. Add two elements that can explain the proximity of the military to the Tunisian population and their adherence to the revolution: the first composition is the same army, made largely of conscripts and not by trade, and the second is the resentment felt by some senior officers, after the execution of a group of graduates wanted a few years ago by Ben Ali later the explosion of a plane ....

E 'a revolution that threw out a copy grim police state, fueled by cronyism and corruption. Despite the confusion that exists in Tunisia a few hours from the flight of the dictator, despite the depredations committed by supporters of the building, the Tunisian people must remain responsible. Responsible and vigilant, to build a brand new page for the country to democracy.

We have been able to catch our appointment with history, now take back our future, we strive to support democratic forces, secular and progressive, since the victory of the revolution remains in the hands of the Tunisian people and Tunisian miracle because it does not become a mirage.

(Slim Mrad, January 15, 2011)

The road is still long

Reflections on a real democratic transition

We live today of the events that will mark the our history. The "revolution of jasmine" opens the way towards a future that until very time ago we did not dare hope for. But the excitement caused by the exodus of legitimate dictator and his entourage should not blind us. Whatever the desire to turn the page on our dark years, we can not let someone else take advantage of this moment and take the place of Ben Ali. That's why we need right now to build the future together.

Ours is a people's revolution, left the country deeply, from the Tunisian people and its youth. Act made desperate by Mohamed Bouaziz came a wave of indignation that has become a new source of hope. E 'to him that we owe our freedom, and to those who have fallen under the blows of Police in the service of a dictatorship in order to defend our right to live peacefully. And 'to exploit them that we must not let our movement, our path to democracy. We must cry out in their name that we will never have heads or teachers who will not allow anyone to monopolize our struggle to serve their own interests. Thanks to them we beat the fear and not allow it to return.

The flight of Ben Ali's assumption of power by Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi, then Fuad Mebazaâ as Interim President, are far from content and not enough to reassure us about the true intentions of those who have long been part of the circle the dictator. Appeals from indented by an opposition, already prey to internal struggles, and represented by elements that do not hide their myopic ambitions are not the most comfort. And even if some of these opposition movements are entitled by the struggles waged in the past, none of them can take possession of the merits of "jasmine revolution", the result of a popular uprising in unity and solidarity. We can not let the politicians by trade take advantage of the sacrifices and efforts made by our people.

The road that leads to the establishment of a democratic state in Tunisia is still long. It will still not lose courage and patience for what has been achieved so far. For this we need to consider the period of transition to democracy as a stage for any reason should be ignored, during which the number of "necessary reforms" will be conducted in a peaceful and under the watchful eyes of all citizens.

For the moment therefore it is premature to talk of holding free elections in Tunisia. It is not a waiver, on the contrary it is necessary that the election date is prepared properly, leaving it to each party the time to renew and make known its program to all Tunisians. We must remember that our country so far has not granted the right to freedom of expression or assembly, or the organization of political parties and associations. Bisogna poi tener conto del peso assunto dalla RCD e dalle sue strutture clientelari negli ultimi venti anni, un peso che difficilmente scomparirà in poco tempo così come tutti ci auguriamo. Non basteranno pochi mesi per stabilire le condizioni necessarie allo svolgimento di elezioni libere, equilibrate e rappresentative delle opinioni di tutti i cittadini.

Detto ciò, non è neanche questione di lasciare la dittatura, pur mascherata sotto altre vesti, riprendere il suo posto. Dobbiamo esigere la realizzazione delle “riforme necessarie” nel più breve tempo possibile, sotto il controllo di tutto il popolo. Bisogna trovare una soluzione che garantisca la condivisione del potere tra tutti i movimenti politici tunisini, che ensuring their consensus on urgent reforms, to be approved unanimously, and to protect us from the danger of a new dictatorship, neutralizing any attempt to personalistic management institutions.

In this perspective should soon lead to the creation of a national unity government which will have the exclusive mandate: to ensure, on the one hand, the staging of the country to avoid the crash, and approve other reforms necessary for the full democratization of Tunisia. You may also consider holding an open debate on the reform of the institutional approval of a new constitution that guarantees all fundamental rights obtained with the "jasmine revolution". Only after the popular approval by referendum of the new constitution will proceed to carry out the first free and democratic elections in our history.

E 'also need to provide as soon as possible to the creation of independent commissions of inquiry, charged with shedding light on the crimes and wrongdoings committed by the regime of Ben Ali and to identify all those responsible, as well as reflect on the measures to be taken to restore the economic and social system of the country. Institutional reform is an essential element to turn the page, break with the dictatorship and restore its place and its importance to all the people tunisino.

(Mourad Besbes, 17 gennaio 2011)