Friday, January 21, 2011

Aluminium Boat Flooring Installation

Il regime marocchino orfano di Ben Ali

The seed of revolution Tunisia seems to expand to neighboring countries such as Egypt and Algeria. And what's going on in Morocco? Apparently everything is quiet, maybe too comfortable, explained the journalist Zineb El Rhazoui (formerly Journal Hebdomadaire) in the brief analysis published in Voxmaroc , a blog created by the same independent news and Zineb Ali Amar (founder and former director Le Journal Hebdomadaire).

The Alawite kingdom seems immersed in a calm "precarious" from 14 January. That Friday evening, many Moroccans celebrated the fall of the despot of Carthage in the bars of Casablanca or Rabat, ma le dimostrazioni di gioia, pur sincere, non sono andate oltre. Il makhzen incombe. Il giorno prima della fuga del dittatore, decine di attivisti avevano organizzato un sit-in di solidarietà popolare di fronte all’ambasciata tunisina. Sono stati dispersi a colpi di manganello dalla polizia di Mohammed VI. Al momento della partenza di Ben Ali gli stessi attivisti sono ritornati, vittoriosi, davanti all’ambasciata, ma questa volta a riceverli c’erano solo un pugno di agenti dall’aspetto affabile. E’ evidente che la rivoluzione del gelsomino non è stata ben accolta dalle autorità marocchine. Nessuna dichiarazione ufficiale del governo, nessun partito politico ha osato pronunciarsi e, salvo rare eccezioni, quello che resta della stampa nazionale ha deciso di voltare lo sguardo altrove. Le tre televisioni marocchine, quanto a loro, hanno preferito concentrare i loro telegiornali sulle attività quotidiane del monarca, consuetudine ininterrotta dall’epoca di Hassan II.
Sarà la quiete che preannuncia la tempesta ? La paura ben dissimulata degli ufficiali marocchini sembrerebbe avallare questa ipotesi, dal momento che in Marocco il regime Ben Ali era preso a modello. Al momento dell’ascesa al trono nel luglio 1999 Mohammed VI, giovane sovrano in cerca di legittimazione, desideroso di fornire un’immagine di cambiamento, aveva parlato di “nuovo concetto di autorità” per rompere con il regime di polizia istituito dal padre negli previous years. But the Islamist attacks in Casablanca on 16 May 2003 marked a new turning point in Moroccan politics just established. The king announced in a now famous speech "The end of laissez-faire." Since then, the Moroccan regime has taken on a semblance decidedly benaliana.
As in Tunisia, the Moroccan model has bet on a brisk economic development, openness of markets, to mask a clear security-tight within the country. Associations and newspapers were closed, but it does not matter as long as the big chain stores and international businesses open their doors on the Moroccan economy. As in Tunisia, the monarch and his entourage do the lion's share of economic development in this front, driven by the greed of a caste in the service of his majesty, that takes advantage of a climate most favorable time for the family business. Moreover, the discomfort of the Moroccan regime before the fall dell'alleato Tunisian can also be explained by the dark economic ties that exist between the two Maghreb countries. The Moroccan Attijariwafabank bank, a subsidiary of holding real ONA / SNI, had incorporated the Banque du Sud, a Tunisian private bank headed by Sakhr El Materi, son of Ben Ali. This controversial character is thus directly associated with Mohammed VI, so that some months ago was greeted with full honors in Morocco, where his company (which sells cars) will be the first foreign company to be listed on the Casablanca stock exchange, thus allowing them to transfer capital in the kingdom. Therefore, if France has announced the freezing of bank accounts of the family Ben Ali, Morocco refrained from doing so.
As in Tunisia, there is something rotten in the regime of Mohammed VI. Long before the gesture made by Mohamed Bouzizi, the diplômes-chomeurs Moroccans have chosen to give to the flames, more than one occasion, amid general indifference. Since the new king ascended the throne, there were riots in Sefrou, Sidi Ifni, Al Hoceima and, recently, in Laayoune, suppressed systematically with violence. Because these episodes have never sparked a revolution? Why Mohammed VI was able to negotiate a transition with a thin veneer of concessions in the field of rights and freedoms. But this, far from having entered Morocco in the track of democracy, are shrinking gradually acquires the Sovereign security and control over the elites of the country. To pay the price in recent months were the independent press, political opposition, civil society and individual freedoms as a whole. If these safety valves, already limited at the start, will continue to be reduced is the risk that the lid is lifted the system, as happened in neighboring Tunisia.
(January 20, 2011)

Wednesday, January 19, 2011

Norton Security Rogers

La rivoluzione è contagiosa

The use of suicide as a last attempt of rebellion against misery and repression is expanding rapidly in the Arab countries. Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt and even Mauritania. Monday, 17 January a young Mauritanian set himself on fire in Nouakchott, opposite the presidential palace, to express his anger against the regime led by General Abdelaziz coup, according to reports from local media sources. The same day, in Cairo, the owner of a small restaurant has poured gasoline in front of Parliament and set fire on his body. The gesture was imitated in the morning following two other young Egyptians, immolatisi front of the building where it meets the Council of Ministers. The three, like the young Mauritanian, are hospitalized with burns spread on all parts of the body. In Algeria, already seven suicide attempts reported by Wednesday, January 12. The last case Tuesday, January 18: A woman set herself on fire in the province of Sidi Belabs (600 km south-west of Algiers) after local authorities had refused to grant a subsidy for housing. Before her two young unemployed in a region Mostaghanem (350 km west of Algiers) and the other near Tebessa (on the border with Tunisia) had tried to end their life in the same way.
The extreme gesture by Bouaziz Mohamed Sidi Bouzid December 17 last year, which gave way to the lifting of the Tunisian people to overthrow the dictator Ben Ali, seems to have an echo and a surprising spread between Arab societies and Arab -Berber region, united by the authoritarian and repressive state power and the serious socio-economic conditions which are facing. Bouaziz, unemployed twenty-six died on January 4 due to burns, has become a martyr for "jasmine revolution" and a landmark reference in both the Maghreb and in the whole Arab world. The risk of infection care schemes in the area, qualified certainly not by popular consent, but state police monitor populations for decades in which up to now remained enslaved. Various Bouteflika, Mubarak and even their Western backers (the U.S. and France), while congratulating the Tunisian people, feel more than ever threatened by the danger that the revolutionary seed will expand to other companies in the region.

Here's an article on the same topic published by the Algerian daily El Watan January 16, 2011.

Arab regimes on alert

The fall of the powerful Zine El Abidine Ben Ali after twenty-three years of absolute rule, sotto le pressioni di una autentica rivolta di popolo, mette i regimi arabi in stato di allerta. Coscienti della loro ampia impopolarità, della loro illegittimità e del risentimento covato dalla popolazione, i dirigenti arabi cercano di premunirsi contro la diffusione di uno “scenario alla tunisina”.
Pur precipitandosi a dichiarare il proprio sostegno al popolo tunisino in rivolta e ormai rivoluzionario, i regimi arabi si preparano fin da ora a neutralizzare un possibile contagio. “La rivoluzione tunisina è il primo sollevamento popolare di questo tipo che riesce a rovesciare un capo di stato in un regime arabo. Può essere una fonte di ispirazione per l’intera regione”, afferma Amir Hamzawi, ricercatore the American Foundation Carnegie Endowment. According to him, "the ingredients found in Tunisia are present throughout the area." Arab societies all live under the same terms as the Tunisian: people enslaved, suppressed opposition, denied rights, freedom confiscated, widespread corruption and widespread poverty .. This observation is valid for all the Arab regimes. From Morocco to Algeria, from Egypt to Jordan, we find these factors "detonators". Social injustice and the closing of political space are generating disgust, loathing and exasperation.

Similarities
Arab societies, who feel a state of total abandonment, are likely to pour out their anger on the streets, squares, as has been well demonstrated by the Tunisians, who lived in one of the toughest police state since the time of independence (1956 ). Now nothing is impossible. What happened in Tunisia shows that change can come from companies themselves, that no dictator can resist the will of a people united in revolt. "We hope that what happened in Tunisia could be repeated in other Arab countries, where leaders are rusting in their seats of power," says the editor of a Lebanese television station. The Tunisian experience shows that there is no more Need a democracy exported shots of bombing and invasion, an American, to free oppressed peoples.

An extraordinary ability to adapt
"The echo of this event, unprecedented in the Arab world will undoubtedly hear more than one country in the region," declared the Lebanese newspaper Annahar editorial published yesterday. Some Egyptians were united Friday in Cairo, a group of Tunisians who were celebrating in front of their embassy, \u200b\u200bthe flight of President Ben Ali, and called themselves the departure of Hosni Mubarak, in power since 1981. "Egyptians ascoltate i tunisini, ora è il vostro turno!”, erano gli slogan scanditi dai manifestanti.
In Giordania migliaia di persone hanno manifestato in diverse città per protestare contro la crescita della disoccupazione e dell’inflazione, ma anche per invocare la fine del regime. In Algeria gli scontri sono cominciati ad inizio gennaio, dopo l’innalzamento dei prezzi dei prodotti di largo consumo. Ma anche se il messaggio proveniente dalla Tunisia è percepito in modo chiaro, il suo impatto a corto termine e i rischi di contagio restano difficili da valutare nell’immediato. I regimi autoritari arabi hanno dimostrato di avere una buona capacità di adattamento alle novità e ai venti di cambiamento. Alcuni esempi meritano di essere sottolineati. La rivolta algerina del 1988, assetata di diritti e di libertà, è stata dirottata ed ha permesso al sistema politico di rigenerarsi instaurando una democrazia di facciata. Anche in Siria la “primavera di Damasco” sbocciata nel 2000 è stata soffocata sul nascere. Diversamente dal regime di Ben Ali, estremamente totalitario e repressivo, in Algeria, in Marocco e in Egitto gli apparati di potere concedono piccole valvole di sfogo alla società civile e alle opposizioni. Altri invece, immersi nel petrolio come l’Arabia Saudita e la Libia, riescono a comprare il silenzio dei rispettivi popoli.
Per Claire Spencer, a capo del programma Medio Oriente e Nord Africa dell’Istituto Chatam House (London), the possibility that Algeria to follow a trend, "the Tunisian" remains a big question. It 'clear that most Arab regimes are under tension for the possibility of a contagion of revolution Tunisia. But it is difficult to say with equal certainty that a similar scenario to reproduce itself in other Arab countries. When it comes to riot in the streets, all scenarios are possible ... even darker.
(Mokrane Ait Ouarabi)

Tuesday, January 18, 2011

Webbed Toes More Condition_symptoms

La Tunisia in marcia

Monday, January 17, just three days after the stampede of the dictator Ben Ali from Tunisia and success della “rivoluzione del pane” (in seguito ribattezzata “rivoluzione del gelsomino”), il primo ministro ad interim Mohamed Ghannouchi ha annunciato la composizione del governo provvisorio che guiderà il paese verso le elezioni legislative e presidenziali previste entro giugno 2011. Per la prima volta nella storia del paese tre dirigenti storici dell’opposizione, due dei quali non hanno mai avuto rappresentanza in parlamento, sono entrati a far parte dell’esecutivo. Tuttavia, i segnali di continuità con il vecchio regime restano evidenti e preoccupano il popolo tunisino. Nel nuovo governo di unità nazionale, dodici dei diciannove seggi previsti sono occupati da membri della RCD (Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique), il partito del presidente deposto. Sei tra questi, già in carica nel precedente esecutivo, rivestono i ministeri di maggior potere (oltre al primo ministro, il ministro degli Esteri, il ministro dell’Interno, della Difesa e delle Finanze).
Alle numerose critiche levatesi nel paese all’annuncio del nuovo governo di transizione si è aggiunta la voce di Rachid Ghannouchi, leader del movimento islamico Annahda (“la rinascita”), in esilio a Londra dal 1991 (dopo che il suo partito, premiato con il 17% dei voti alle elezioni legislative, era stato dichiarato illegale da Ben Ali). Secondo Ghannouchi il nuovo esecutivo “non assicura quella rottura necessaria con il regime appena deposto”; the way to go would be instead the formation of a constitutional council that includes the forces of civil society and not only the political parties, and finally the promulgation of a truly democratic constitution.
spokesman of the movement in France, Hocine Jaziri, stated that "Rachid Ghannouchi not will be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election." Annahda instead participate in legislative elections, it decided to give its contribution to the country's democratic transition. "If we are not recognized as a political party we will face a serious problem of representation and popular support," said Jaziri, that the transitional government was added: "There is a government of national unity but national exclusion." A position shared by Moncef Marzuki, the leader of the Congres pour la Republique (secular left) returned from exile at this very hour. For the opponent, "Tunisia deserves better." "Nearly a hundred dead in four weeks of the revolution for what? A government of national unity has only the name, because they are mostly members of the old dictatorship, "said Marzuki who then urged his countrymen not to let our guard down:" I believe that the Tunisian people are not so easily deceived by this masquerade. "
A ventiquattro ore dalla formazione del nuovo esecutivo già tre membri del governo Ghannouchi, un ministro e due sottosegretari appartenenti alla Union Generale des Travailleurs Tunisiens, si sono dimessi dal loro incarico, dopo che il sindacato a cui appartengono ha dichiarato di “non riconoscere il nuovo governo”. In tutto il paese migliaia di persone hanno sfidato lo stato d’assedio ancora in vigore per manifestare la loro contrarietà ad un governo troppo legato al vecchio regime. A Tunisi questa mattina duecento persone hanno sfilato nella avenue Habib Bourghiba con in mano ramoscelli di olivo, filoni di pane e fiori di gelsomino, scandendo slogan contro il partito dell’ex dittatore Ben Ali, prima di venire disperse by force by the police. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets in Sfax, Tunisia's second city, and Bouziz Sidi, the village where he had kicked off the revolution of Tunisia on 17 December. Meanwhile the streets of the capital's continuing armed clashes between the military and militias loyal to the old regime, who seek to sow chaos, moving into neighborhoods with well-armed and special vehicles.

The following two articles published in the blog Nawaat.org (independent team blog launched in 2004 and obscured by the Ben Ali government), addressing the issue of political transition. A delicate stage, say the young bloggers, that the country is facing after four weeks of the revolution (78 dead according to official government), which put an end to a regime that lasted twenty-four years and established a dictatorship ever since independence (1956).

The real miracle Tunisian

Unpredictable, dazzling, exciting, historical ... So we can describe what is now defined by all the "revolution of Tunisia." A Revolution in particular, carried out by a particular people, rich history, remarkable for its openness and its peaceful nature. They are young people build the future of a nation and its young people, frustrated by the lack of prospects, as evidenced by the act brave and made desperate by Mohammed Bouaziz, have saved the nation, have triggered an uprising that involved all Tunisians quickly, reaching anywhere in the country.

The maturity of a people
The lifting of the Tunisian people, then translated into revolution, it is even more remarkable since it implemented in a mature and peaceful manner. Of course, some protesters returned fire and police sharpshooters stationed on the roofs of buildings by throwing stones. It 's true that the symbols of the regime, as the headquarters of the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Democratique, were looted and burned. But is not this further evidence of Its peaceful, given the numerous killings and arbitrary killings of civilians that we have seen? As no surprise that the situation is degenerate, while the government ordered to shoot even the funeral processions of citizens killed in the street? In many other countries to follow the insurgency would be so much rage and violence. But in this case is the perseverance of a people educated and responsible, to which too often has been promised the power to decide their own future, which has prevailed.

The army, bulwark of the republic
Tunisian armed forces, who intervened only in the third week of lifting, have shown of exemplary behavior, gaining the respect of the population. Ill-equipped since independence from Bourguiba disinclined to military elites, the army has always been confined in his miserable barracks, far from Carthage. However, it was able to regain his role as chief protector of the republic, when the Chief of Staff, Rachid Ammar has refused to fire on demonstrators. Those same protesters who sought cover behind the truck of the armed forces from the blows of the police, the only true guardian of the regime of Ben Ali. Add two elements that can explain the proximity of the military to the Tunisian population and their adherence to the revolution: the first composition is the same army, made largely of conscripts and not by trade, and the second is the resentment felt by some senior officers, after the execution of a group of graduates wanted a few years ago by Ben Ali later the explosion of a plane ....

E 'a revolution that threw out a copy grim police state, fueled by cronyism and corruption. Despite the confusion that exists in Tunisia a few hours from the flight of the dictator, despite the depredations committed by supporters of the building, the Tunisian people must remain responsible. Responsible and vigilant, to build a brand new page for the country to democracy.
We have been able to catch our appointment with history, now take back our future, we strive to support democratic forces, secular and progressive, since the victory of the revolution remains in the hands of the Tunisian people and Tunisian miracle because it does not become a mirage.
(Slim Mrad, January 15, 2011)


The road is still long
Reflections on a real democratic transition

We live today of the events that will mark the our history. The "revolution of jasmine" opens the way towards a future that until very time ago we did not dare hope for. But the excitement caused by the exodus of legitimate dictator and his entourage should not blind us. Whatever the desire to turn the page on our dark years, we can not let someone else take advantage of this moment and take the place of Ben Ali. That's why we need right now to build the future together.
Ours is a people's revolution, left the country deeply, from the Tunisian people and its youth. Act made desperate by Mohamed Bouaziz came a wave of indignation that has become a new source of hope. E 'to him that we owe our freedom, and to those who have fallen under the blows of Police in the service of a dictatorship in order to defend our right to live peacefully. And 'to exploit them that we must not let our movement, our path to democracy. We must cry out in their name that we will never have heads or teachers who will not allow anyone to monopolize our struggle to serve their own interests. Thanks to them we beat the fear and not allow it to return.
The flight of Ben Ali's assumption of power by Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi, then Fuad Mebazaâ as Interim President, are far from content and not enough to reassure us about the true intentions of those who have long been part of the circle the dictator. Appeals from indented by an opposition, already prey to internal struggles, and represented by elements that do not hide their myopic ambitions are not the most comfort. And even if some of these opposition movements are entitled by the struggles waged in the past, none of them can take possession of the merits of "jasmine revolution", the result of a popular uprising in unity and solidarity. We can not let the politicians by trade take advantage of the sacrifices and efforts made by our people.
The road that leads to the establishment of a democratic state in Tunisia is still long. It will still not lose courage and patience for what has been achieved so far. For this we need to consider the period of transition to democracy as a stage for any reason should be ignored, during which the number of "necessary reforms" will be conducted in a peaceful and under the watchful eyes of all citizens.
For the moment therefore it is premature to talk of holding free elections in Tunisia. It is not a waiver, on the contrary it is necessary that the election date is prepared properly, leaving it to each party the time to renew and make known its program to all Tunisians. We must remember that our country so far has not granted the right to freedom of expression or assembly, or the organization of political parties and associations. Bisogna poi tener conto del peso assunto dalla RCD e dalle sue strutture clientelari negli ultimi venti anni, un peso che difficilmente scomparirà in poco tempo così come tutti ci auguriamo. Non basteranno pochi mesi per stabilire le condizioni necessarie allo svolgimento di elezioni libere, equilibrate e rappresentative delle opinioni di tutti i cittadini.
Detto ciò, non è neanche questione di lasciare la dittatura, pur mascherata sotto altre vesti, riprendere il suo posto. Dobbiamo esigere la realizzazione delle “riforme necessarie” nel più breve tempo possibile, sotto il controllo di tutto il popolo. Bisogna trovare una soluzione che garantisca la condivisione del potere tra tutti i movimenti politici tunisini, che ensuring their consensus on urgent reforms, to be approved unanimously, and to protect us from the danger of a new dictatorship, neutralizing any attempt to personalistic management institutions.
In this perspective should soon lead to the creation of a national unity government which will have the exclusive mandate: to ensure, on the one hand, the staging of the country to avoid the crash, and approve other reforms necessary for the full democratization of Tunisia. You may also consider holding an open debate on the reform of the institutional approval of a new constitution that guarantees all fundamental rights obtained with the "jasmine revolution". Only after the popular approval by referendum of the new constitution will proceed to carry out the first free and democratic elections in our history.
E 'also need to provide as soon as possible to the creation of independent commissions of inquiry, charged with shedding light on the crimes and wrongdoings committed by the regime of Ben Ali and to identify all those responsible, as well as reflect on the measures to be taken to restore the economic and social system of the country. Institutional reform is an essential element to turn the page, break with the dictatorship and restore its place and its importance to all the people tunisino.
(Mourad Besbes, 17 gennaio 2011)