The seed of revolution Tunisia seems to expand to neighboring countries such as Egypt and Algeria. And what's going on in Morocco? Apparently everything is quiet, maybe too comfortable, explained the journalist Zineb El Rhazoui (formerly Journal Hebdomadaire) in the brief analysis published in Voxmaroc , a blog created by the same independent news and Zineb Ali Amar (founder and former director Le Journal Hebdomadaire).
The Alawite kingdom seems immersed in a calm "precarious" from 14 January. That Friday evening, many Moroccans celebrated the fall of the despot of Carthage in the bars of Casablanca or Rabat, ma le dimostrazioni di gioia, pur sincere, non sono andate oltre. Il makhzen incombe. Il giorno prima della fuga del dittatore, decine di attivisti avevano organizzato un sit-in di solidarietà popolare di fronte all’ambasciata tunisina. Sono stati dispersi a colpi di manganello dalla polizia di Mohammed VI. Al momento della partenza di Ben Ali gli stessi attivisti sono ritornati, vittoriosi, davanti all’ambasciata, ma questa volta a riceverli c’erano solo un pugno di agenti dall’aspetto affabile. E’ evidente che la rivoluzione del gelsomino non è stata ben accolta dalle autorità marocchine. Nessuna dichiarazione ufficiale del governo, nessun partito politico ha osato pronunciarsi e, salvo rare eccezioni, quello che resta della stampa nazionale ha deciso di voltare lo sguardo altrove. Le tre televisioni marocchine, quanto a loro, hanno preferito concentrare i loro telegiornali sulle attività quotidiane del monarca, consuetudine ininterrotta dall’epoca di Hassan II. Sarà la quiete che preannuncia la tempesta ? La paura ben dissimulata degli ufficiali marocchini sembrerebbe avallare questa ipotesi, dal momento che in Marocco il regime Ben Ali era preso a modello. Al momento dell’ascesa al trono nel luglio 1999 Mohammed VI, giovane sovrano in cerca di legittimazione, desideroso di fornire un’immagine di cambiamento, aveva parlato di “nuovo concetto di autorità” per rompere con il regime di polizia istituito dal padre negli previous years. But the Islamist attacks in Casablanca on 16 May 2003 marked a new turning point in Moroccan politics just established. The king announced in a now famous speech "The end of laissez-faire." Since then, the Moroccan regime has taken on a semblance decidedly benaliana.
As in Tunisia, the Moroccan model has bet on a brisk economic development, openness of markets, to mask a clear security-tight within the country. Associations and newspapers were closed, but it does not matter as long as the big chain stores and international businesses open their doors on the Moroccan economy. As in Tunisia, the monarch and his entourage do the lion's share of economic development in this front, driven by the greed of a caste in the service of his majesty, that takes advantage of a climate most favorable time for the family business. Moreover, the discomfort of the Moroccan regime before the fall dell'alleato Tunisian can also be explained by the dark economic ties that exist between the two Maghreb countries. The Moroccan Attijariwafabank bank, a subsidiary of holding real ONA / SNI, had incorporated the Banque du Sud, a Tunisian private bank headed by Sakhr El Materi, son of Ben Ali. This controversial character is thus directly associated with Mohammed VI, so that some months ago was greeted with full honors in Morocco, where his company (which sells cars) will be the first foreign company to be listed on the Casablanca stock exchange, thus allowing them to transfer capital in the kingdom. Therefore, if France has announced the freezing of bank accounts of the family Ben Ali, Morocco refrained from doing so.
As in Tunisia, there is something rotten in the regime of Mohammed VI. Long before the gesture made by Mohamed Bouzizi, the diplômes-chomeurs Moroccans have chosen to give to the flames, more than one occasion, amid general indifference. Since the new king ascended the throne, there were riots in Sefrou, Sidi Ifni, Al Hoceima and, recently, in Laayoune, suppressed systematically with violence. Because these episodes have never sparked a revolution? Why Mohammed VI was able to negotiate a transition with a thin veneer of concessions in the field of rights and freedoms. But this, far from having entered Morocco in the track of democracy, are shrinking gradually acquires the Sovereign security and control over the elites of the country. To pay the price in recent months were the independent press, political opposition, civil society and individual freedoms as a whole. If these safety valves, already limited at the start, will continue to be reduced is the risk that the lid is lifted the system, as happened in neighboring Tunisia.
(January 20, 2011) 
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