Today will be held in Algiers, the demonstration by the opposition party of Said Sadi (Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Democratie), which was signed by some of the independent trade unions are not recognized by the regime, as well as leading figures in the same Benbitour association of students of Tizi Ouzou. The city is militarized and authorities, through a statement issued by the prefecture of the capital, have banned the march, announcing arrests and trials for those who disobey orders. The clash seems inevitable. Among the requests made by Sadi, the transition to a democratic regime that guarantees the rights and freedoms of citizens and the release of protesters arrested during the riots broke out throughout Algeria early in January. Between 5 and 9 January, the revolt in the wake of the lifting innescatasi Tunisian had caused five deaths and injured more than eight hundred (almost all from the ranks of the police), while more than a thousand people (including some journalists documenting events) ended up in jail on charges of attempted murder and devastation. On this occasion there was talk of a violent reaction of the population as a result raising the prices of essential goods, so that the government had now decided to review the cost of flour, oil and sugar. But what happened in the two weeks that followed the lifting, continuous student protests and suicides chain all over the country, has demonstrated that the anger expressed by the Algerian is rooted much more in depth. That offered by the government "is a purely technical response to a violent protest that only the blind can reduce the cost of living increase," said advisedly January 10 Le Quotidien d'Oran . The Algerian people seem weary of an authoritarian regime that denies its citizens the basic freedoms of which is the guarantor of the Constitution itself. Seem to have enough of a management of the State patronage and the Mafia, so similar to that of the fugitive Ben Ali, dispossessing them of substantial revenues from oil recipes. "The regime has only two alternatives: the transition to democracy or explosion imminent", was stated by former Prime Minister Bouteflika (December 1999-August 2000) Ahmed Benbitour daily El Khabar January 20 last year. Benbitour for the Algerian power structure is now faced with a dilemma: leave intact the current situation, with the risk of an explosion imminent, or immediately start a political opening that preserves Algeria from one scenario to the "Tunisian". The "revolution of jasmine, which has wiped out in less than a month, the President Ben Ali, his clan, his police and his dictatorial regime, would not seem offer more leeway to the managers of the country.
Waiting to see what happens in Algeria in the coming hours, what will the reaction of the authorities against demonstrators and which of the two directions indicated by Ahmed Benbitour imboccherà the regime, I propose the synthesis of certain articles and interviews published in recently by the independent Algerian press and blogs.
The government mobilized police to stop the television and radio show: Algiers under pressure
(DNA-Algérie, 21 January 2011, Sihem Balhi)
The RCD continues in its intent and the government as well. The Algerian authorities have asked the people not to respond to the opposition, urging them not to attend the event scheduled for Saturday, January 22 in downtown Algiers in order to invoke the democratic opening of the scheme. The march was opened RCD (Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Democratie), opposition party which has 19 deputies of the National People on 385 total.
"We ask people to show wisdom and not to respond to any provocation intended to undermine their peace, the quiet life and serenity," is what is indicated in the statement of the prefecture di Algeri trasmesso giovedì sera all’agenzia algerina APS, che aggiunge: “la manifestazione di sabato non ha ricevuto l’autorizzazione dei servizi amministrativi competenti”. La prefettura ricorda che “le manifestazioni ad Algeri non sono autorizzate” e che “ogni assembramento in strada di più di tre persone è considerato come un attacco all’ordine pubblico”. Di fatto i cortei sono vietati nel paese dal 1992, vale a dire dalla proclamazione della stato d’assedio agli albori della guerra civile. Da giovedì sera, il comunicato viene diffuso ininterrottamente dalla radio e dalla televisione di stato. Come se non bastasse, in queste ultime ore la polizia ha inviato ingenti rinforzi – more than 10 000 men - to the capital's police stations, while access to the city will be banned since dawn. Since the beginning of the week many anti-riot police vans were placed in front of the headquarters of UGT (Union générale des travailleurs algériens, the union official accused by protesters of wanting to sabotage the event of provocation by blows, ed), in close of the People's Assembly and Senate.
Despite the ban, the RCD leader said he was determined to keep your appointment, initially scheduled for January 18 and then postponed to 22. The march to urge the government wants to repeal the law since June 2001 back to the state of siege (there was a brief interruption between 1999 and 2001, ed), in addition to invoking the opening up of audio-visual and the release of jailed protesters after the uprising broke out in early January. The authorities have announced on their part that the arrest of all those that do not meet the requirements of the institutions.
"If it is not the opposition to mobilize the masses I believe we will see even more devastating events than those recorded in Tunisia," said Said Sadi Reuters Thursday. "There's anger and resentment are stronger than in Tunis." Sadi said also that the resolution of political crisis in Algeria can not be separated from the reduction of the role of the army. "It is not for the military to take decisions, the army has become an institution of the state and put at his service. We need a net change of the political system, we need transparency, the establishment of the rule of law and democracy. "
The desperation of Algeria and the official silence
( El Watan, January 18, 2011, Ghana Lassale)
Five Algerians (the number increased to ten in the last four days , ndt), in diverse regioni del paese, hanno provato ad immolarsi dandosi alle fiamme. Tali atti, tanto simbolici quanto violenti, non sembrano tuttavia capaci di scuotere i nostri ufficiali. Non una reazione, né una dichiarazione, nemmeno un commento di indignazione o di compassione. Solo il silenzio più ottuso. Pertanto questi “fatti di cronaca” dovrebbero sollevare più di una domanda. Tanto più che da qualche anno tendono a moltiplicarsi sotto diverse forme. Sebbene ognuna di queste persone abbia le proprie motivazioni, i loro gesti servono a testimoniare la disperazione più profonda e la perdita di fiducia nella giustizia. A mancare non sono certo gli esempi. Di simili “fatti di cronaca” si parla e si è parlato quotidianamente. And if you are horrified, and rightly so, faced with the ways used to Tebessa or Bordj Menaiel, these same modes are not really new. Many people come to the point of making such gestures.
In May 2004, a family from Djelfa was introduced in maison de presse Thar Djaout and set himself on fire in front of some journalists. His clothes were soaked with gasoline. He hoped in this way to denounce "the desperation ( hogra in Arabic), injustice and corruption." The man died a few days after the act of desperation, because of wounds and burns. October 2009 is an entire family brushes with death near Chlef. A family of only twenty-five years wanted to protest against the demolition of his house. Accompanied by his wife and three year old daughter, the man poured gasoline is opposite the headquarters of the council, then repeating the operation on the body of his wife and daughter. Turned into human torches, the three have escaped death only thanks to emergency rescuers. Everything leads us to think that these acts are carried out only by young unemployed people in despair. But it is not. Last October, a fifty in Tiaret, widow and mother of three children, was refused the assignment di un alloggio comunale. Per contestare l’ingiustizia subita, la donna, che lavorava con una ditta di pulizie, si versata addosso una tanica di combustibile nella sede dell’assemblea locale. Al momento di darsi fuoco è stata salvata da alcuni elementi della protezione civile.
Le difficili condizioni di vita spingono gli algerini anche ad altri gesti ugualmente disperati, meno spettacolari forse, ma di sicuro più ricorrenti. Almeno una trentina di suicidi al mese sono i dati ufficialmente recensiti nel paese. E una nuova forma di protesta sembra aver fatto ormai la sua comparsa: il suicidio collettivo. Nel luglio del 2010, una trentina di disoccupati della provincia di Ouargla aveva minacciato di gettarsi dal tetto dell’ANEM della city. A final attempt to understand their voice, after waiting in vain for the agency to procure any employment. A few days before, the same terror had led a dozen boys to attack the seat of the municipal council. After you get injuries all over his body, were sprinkled with petrol to cry, "or the sea or suicide." They are in fact many still choose the way of the sea, the harragas . Migrants who "burn ( harge in Arabic) border" jumping at random in the open sea in small boats, which are also synonymous with suicide. At the height of cynicism and contempt, the authorities have not been able to do better agreed that a series of legal measures to punish this kind of behavior.
Interview with Algerian political scientist Ali Abdesselam -Rached, created by Cherfaoui for Zine El Watan (January 18, 2011)
What is your reading of the riots that have shaken the largest cities in the country last week? What do you expect from such an explosion?
The riots have become a recurrent phenomenon for several years. Generally they are lifting local, often ephemeral. The revolt is the only means of expression, since the regime has closed the channels of communication with society. Personally, I have repeatedly denounced the national press that closure of the political and media, at the base of the lifts. Then, the explosion had early in January I was not at all surprised.
shares the view of some observers that limit the events to a problem of rising prices and cost of living?
The price of essential goods is but a pretext. They are the parents to be affected by rising cost of living and not the young protesters. The real reason is the malaise of the revolt, as a condition of survival, precarious and unstable, which nullifies even the hope of a better future. The result is i suicidi, le partenze per mare, gli harragas . Ricordiamoci quello che gridavano i giovani cabili durante la rivolta della primavera 2001: “non potete ucciderci, siamo già morti”. L’umiliazione dovuta alla hogra porta a gesti estremi, come i suicidi, oppure al risveglio della dignità dell’individuo, come nel caso delle manifestazioni a sostegno dei detenuti finiti in carcere dopo la rivolta di inizio gennaio.
Perché in Algeria è così difficile la costruzione di un’alternativa democratica?
Alla base c’è un grande ritardo nella costruzione di un vero spirito civico e partecipativo. La causa sta in un sistema educational archaic, due more to a propaganda machine (Islam, the Arab nation and the revolution) to an institution that is intended to forge a critical spirit and to provide knowledge. A responsibility that goes back to this type of regime established since 1962. Besides this, the repressive system and the police policy preventing the emergence of independent actors in civil society. Until a few years ago the field of city was occupied only by Islamists, with the clear blessing of the apparatus of power.
What happened in Tunisia may be reproduced in Algeria?
not short-term and not with the same outcome, at least for a good reason. The Tunisian army refused to shoot at the demonstrators and then to serve the popular uprising. In Algeria, where the military and intelligence services are the nerve center of the system, it is impossible to imagine a similar conclusion.
Freedom of expression is restricted
( El Watan, January 19, 2011, Nadja Bouaricha)
front of the narrowing of the channels of free expression, the square is the ' only space for popular demands. In Algeria, from January 9, 1992, remains in force for the state of emergency. Policy makers and trade unions, so as defenders of human rights, are subject to all taxes due the hostility of the environment. The constitutional right to form a political party is violated, as to create a newspaper independent and free from the apparatus of power. The streets of Algiers remain under close supervision, well reinforced the slightest suspicion of peaceful demonstrations or protests. Algiers today lives under an oppressive climate of fear, afraid of a possible contagion of revolution Tunisia.
vans of riot control units are ubiquitous. Telephone lines and disturbed some social networks blacked out. A simple coincidence? "The state of emergency to provide personal laws and institutions needed to block lo spazio fisico e legale alla libera espressione. Per esempio il codice penale, che limita notevolmente la libertà di stampa. Quindi, non solamente questa legge deve essere abrogata, ma vanno eliminati anche tutti quei dispositivi che ne conseguono e che sono stati tenuti nascosti per anni, restituendo la libertà ai giornalisti, ai sindacalisti e ai partiti politici. Ancora meglio, è tutto il clima che gira attorno a questi dispositivi che deve essere cambiato”, afferma il primo segretario del Front des Forces Socialistes, Karim Tabbou.
Per l’avvocato Mustafa Bouchachi, presidente della Lega algerina per i diritti dell’uomo, “lo stato di emergenza è mantenuto contro la società civil opposition and in general all Algerians. " "If the regime had grasped the message launched by young people in revolt earlier this month, would move quickly to repeal this law freedom. Not only is unemployment have led to the Algerians in the protest, but also the closure of political space and media - remember Bouchachi - Algeria is one of the few Arab countries to prevent citizens to demonstrate in support of Gaza. After ten years (the restoration of martial law after the Civil War took place in June 2001, ed) are still banned demonstrations and sit-ins. Any application for authorization is systematically denied. We must lift the state of emergency, or the country will live a true social explosion. " Meziane Merian, coordinator of the Syndicat National Autonome des professeurs, reaffirmed that a state of emergency limits the freedom and rights of Algerians, including those unions. "In many cases we have held demonstrations and sit-in, as forbidden in the state of siege. We were beaten and transferred to police stations. I think every citizen has a duty to seek the repeal of this law, maintained since 2001 to address the terrorist threat, but now no longer any reason to exist. " "They take decisions on our behalf without us and prevent us from even publicly express our rejection," reiterated Lyes Merabet, president of the independent trade union of public health workforce. For Djemma Mohamed, a member of the Mouvement pour la Societe et la Paix (MSP), "this situation has lasted too long and must be solely for the benefit of the power it takes to keep the pressure on civil society. The result is that city streets are empty and its representative elements, designed to frame the society and to promote peaceful protests have been wiped out. " The Member of the MSP, while part of the alliance president, believes that this situation is a "sword of Damocles that weighs on the head of parties and trade unions, which can not be expressed in square e per le strade come invece sarebbe loro diritto”.
“Non possiamo più parlare di stato d’assedio, ma di stato totalitario”
( El Watan , 19 gennaio 2011, Said Rabia)
Il sindacalista Mohamed Badaoui è stato arrestato per aver inviato degli sms che descrivevano la situazione all’interno del paese. Cosa pensa un uomo di diritto come lei sulla legalità dell’accesso al contenuto delle comunicazioni private e delle intercettazioni telefoniche?
Analizzare la situazione generale del paese, avere un proprio parere sugli eventi che succedono e far circulate their ideas are of fundamental rights. Article 39 of the Constitution states: "guaranteed the secrecy of private correspondence and communications." The problem therefore lies not in the text, but in his respect. In a country like ours, where justice is brought to enforce the instructions from the top instead of the law, the citizen has no guarantee.
think the state of siege may constitute, for power, a sufficient argument to justify the use of such a practice?
The state of siege may restrict some liberties in the fight against terrorism and only for a short period, but can not, however, undermine the fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Constitution. Today we can no longer talk of martial law, but of the totalitarian state.
What are the consequences that may result in a breach in the current context, marked by recent demonstrations around the country and what is happening in Tunisia?
violations of public freedoms (association, assembly, expression) and the rights of man and citizen are now a reality for some time and in the absence of safeguards such as judicial independence and the separation of powers, we can expect the worst.
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