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Delenda Trabelsi, or the revenge of the Tunisian people

La rivolta tunisina si è lasciata dietro le vestigia di un clan decadente. Reportage al centro delle rovine e degli ex voto, sulla scia della rivoluzione.

Sulla colonna di destra che regge il porticato in pietra c’è inciso Dar Bouazizi (“Casa Bouazizi”). Così i tunisini in rivolta hanno ribattezzato la villa di Moez Trabelsi, dopo averla saccheggiata. Passato l’ingresso, sotto l’arco a tutto sesto color salmone, un’altra scritta simile cattura subito lo sguardo: “riposa in pace Bouazizi”, in riferimento al giovane ambulante di Sidi Bouzid che si è immolato il 17 dicembre scorso cospargendosi il corpo di benzina. Da lì è cominciata la rivoluzione che ha portato poi alla fuga dell’ex presidente Ben Ali.

Una decina di tunisini incuriositi passeggiano all’interno della casa, (ex) owned by one of ten children of Leila Trabelsi, the premiere dame fled together with her husband in Jeddah. Step by step, discover the remains of a decaying empire, touching hands with the magnificence in which he was surrounded by the ruling clan and read with satisfaction the messages printed on the walls of their compatriots. On the wall that protected the home from the prying eyes of a people hungry for bread and freedom, a quote of Imam Ali (the fourth caliph, cousin and son of the prophet of Islam) sounds like a warning to the next candidates for dictators: "If your power leads you to be unfair to the people, remember the power that God has for you."

Ruins postmodern

In a first floor room, perhaps that of a child, lying on the ground torn pages of books and notebooks. At first glance you would say the Chinese language courses and economics. On one of them, an English word and its definition: "Reingennering: radical change in the nature of the state and redefine its business processes to gain advantage in spectacular performance." In short, a technical definition of the defunct regime. When Monopoly banknotes and paper "way of peace" emerge to complete the picture (in the midst of broken glass, pieces of wardrobe and smashed remains of containers) you can not help but notice the incredible Ironically. Just as soon as identified in the rubble of the housing dvd Mom Alone, our thoughts turn to all those family members that Trabelsi failed to take flight. Mohamed Ben Kilani, Tunisia pilot, has become one of the new national heroes for refusing to participate in the flight of some relatives of the dominant clan.

Throughout the building the doors were off their hinges, ripped the chandeliers from the ceilings and windows shattered. The day after the departure of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, the family of the looting was in turn sacked. Almost a need espiativo. Looking up, other graffiti reminiscent of antique quality to all known the ruler of Carthage, "hey Leila hairdresser (in the parlance synonymous with hostesses) gives back the money to orphans (Leila Trabelsi was president of a charity for support for orphans)."

Sometimes, out of anger, some objects that could be recovered were rather thrown away, like a double mattress goose down that emerges from the pool or the air conditioner removed and made into a thousand pieces. Symptoms of a pent-up frustration for more than twenty-three years. On the ground floor, not far from the pool, the laundry was in focus. The charred walls are once again served to express the feelings of the Avengers: Vive la liberté , Trabelsi DEGAGE .

Walk People

On the stairs leading to the garden is Choukri, a Tunisian sixty years old, brown cap and a leather jacket that give the appearance of a Parisian urchin between two wars. It does not seem excited by what he sees around him, but acknowledges that the pests have done nothing but "a sense of duty to obey the people." Walking among the ruins, recalls that "the whole family was involved in the control and management of the economy of the country. For example, one of the brothers Trabelsi, Mohamed, acted as an intermediary per gli imprenditori edili. Ad ogni concessione esigeva commissioni stratosferiche”. Choukri parla anche di un evento che qualche hanno prima aveva profondamente scioccato il paese. Nel 2007 la Star Academy araba era di passaggio a Sfax. Per l’esibizione erano disponibili mille posti, ma ne furono venduti cinquemila. Nella calca agli ingressi morirono sette persone e centinaia rimasero ferite. Al tempo i media, sotto il rigido controllo di Ben Ali, si erano ben guardati dall’andare a chiedere spiegazioni agli organizzatori dell’evento. E a ragione, visto che la società promotrice era gestita da Houssem Trabelsi. Inutile dire che la sua villa, poco distante da quella del fratello Moez, ha subito la medesima sorte.

Mustapha, quarantanove anni originario del quartiere Ben Harous, esclama: « i nostri soldi, i nostri soldi ! », dando uno sguardo all’interno dell’abitazione. Conosceva vagamente l’ex proprietario, erano cresciuti nello stesso quartiere ma, dopo l’ascesa dei Trabelsi ai piani alti del potere, Moez lo salutava solo da lontano. Conosceva anche Adel Trabelsi, un insegnante morto di cancro pochi mesi fa. “Mohamed, suo figlio, aveva due Porche Cayenne!”, racconta Mustapha, che fu allievo di Adel prima che la sorella Leila sposasse Zine Ben Ali nel 1992. Una volta aveva chiesto aiuto all’ex professore per potersi comprare un piccolo terreno o un appartamento. "Adel told me to come back, but when I came knocking at his door the guards chased me in a bad way." It 'also this kind of humiliation that has helped to ignite the engines of anger.

The concerns of the Tunisian bourgeoisie

The district, in the heart of the new Carthage, called Salambo. Via Aristotle is a small asphalt path that leads directly to the beach. Ferhat families, and Ferchichi Bendiaf the best of the Tunisian bourgeoisie, resident for more than thirty years in this quiet corner of paradise. Quiet at least until the fall of Ben Ali. On January 15, dozens of people arrived at the villa number 21, owned by Jalila Trabelsi, the matron sister Leila. They have not played or have asked permission. Before giving vent to their anger, they emptied conscientiously. The building is monumental, but also produces its effect. On the first floor overlooks the bay of Tunis. Behind the iron gate are the remains of a luxury car, destroyed and burned in the front. An elegant marble staircase connects the two floors of the house, the rooms the immense hall of over one hundred square feet littered with rubble. On one wall is a rectangular recess, is intended to accommodate a large TV a schermo piatto. Il genere di accessori che corrisponde ad un anno di stipendio del martire Mohamed Bouazizi, insultato e picchiato per essersi rifiutato di pagare una mazzetta di 20 dinari (circa 12 euro) all’agente di polizia Feyda Hamdi.

Poco dopo l’arrivo nei pressi della villa, ad una settimana dal saccheggio, cinque ragazzi appena entrati all’interno dell’abitazione appiccano il fuoco in una stanza del primo piano. Una colonna di fumo si spande velocemente per tutto il vicinato. Un francese in giacca e cravatta e scarpe lucide, sopraggiunto nel frattempo, esprime il suo disappunto: “Non è possibile, è la stessa storia ormai da giorni! A volte gettano rottami nel mio giardino and in my pool. " Do any of these "tourist trip" replied annoyed: "They are the collateral damage of the revolt. Indeed, the Tunisians were too disciplined. They saved the homes of neighbors. " Angry reply from the immediate or perhaps worried about his precious shoes, well-dressed man leaves showing some exasperation.

The inhabitants of the district, out of their shelters and crowded in small street, they look worried about the black smoke that makes its way between the bars of the window. "Tomorrow I will go down in Tunis to protest against this chaos. We've created a Facebook group and we are already many, "informs one of them, then states: "The watchword is' no to the destruction of Tunisia". Meanwhile, the five boys, happy to have contributed, albeit with a few days late, if they are blessed as they came.

Are Flavor Metal Cores Good

Hopes (betrayed?) of a revolution

TUNIS - Three weeks have passed by the flight of the dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and the fall of the clan of Trabelsi. The neighboring peoples, the western media, even the U.S. president Barack Obama greeted with enthusiasm the day after the revolution of Tunisia on 14 January. But the streets of the capital, that is slowly fading scent of jasmine in a few days he managed to awaken the hope of the entire Arab world, spreading courage throughout the region, from Egypt to Yemen. That aroma is sweet and delicate it seems to have given way to flushing of the harsh and irritating tear gas. The police returned to punish with violence, the protesters continue to demand the dissolution of the RCD (the party of former president) purge by institutional and administrative apparatus of the key men of the old regime. During the raid conducted Friday, January 28th at the casbah the special forces, intervened to disperse a peaceful protest in front of the office of Prime Minister Ghannouchi, they left behind the first post-revolutionary dead in Tunisia. Despite the testimonies of some of the lawyers present al momento del massacro, i media nazionali hanno taciuto, già proni ai nuovi equilibri e alle oscure manovre che reggono un “governo di unità nazionale” autoproclamato e privo di legittimità.

“Dove sei colomba della libertà?”

Accanto ai carri armati che stazionano di fronte al Ministero dell’Interno, un gruppo di ragazzi scatta foto con il cellulare e si sporge oltre il filo spinato per stringere la mano ad un giovane soldato. Elmetto ben calzato sul volto e mitra in spalla, appare quasi stordito dalle dimostrazioni di affetto con cui i tunisini hanno accolto l’esercito all’arrivo nella capitale. The same scene is repeated for days: someone throws rose above the tracks of the tank, if you distribute sweets and candies. The military, after the refusal of General Rachid Ammar firing on people in revolt, have become the heroes of the revolution, along with the martyrs of Sidi Bouzid and Kasserine. With the return of violence in the streets, the eyes of passers-by seem to invoke their protection again. They still have confidence in the army, although it remained static at the time of the first attacks by the militia and then by the police on protesters.

seating on the sidewalk a few steps away from the armored vehicles, two simple and ordinary looking girls singing the dream of a free and democratic Tunisia. "Where have you dove of freedom? / Where have you dove of peace? / Where ports now your olive branch? / Without you I do not think I can sleep ...." Selma and Salima, twin teens, have left their homes in distant suburbs of Tunis to reach the Avenue Habib Bourguiba. They brought back an old acoustic guitar, inherited from his elder brother, with whom sing the notes they wrote a verse in the bloody days of early January. "It 's our little contribution to the revolution. A tribute to all those who have died for a better Tunisia, "confess two sisters, timid voice, and a deep brown eyes. "In recent days, the situation seems worse, but we want to maintain hope that the revolution will be able to really change things," explains Selma, echoed by his sister: "Before, when there was ben Ali would have been impossible to sing public in a song about freedom. Now we're here and let us have our voices without fear. "

the long avenues and reappeared a few timid ray of sun after the rain fall in recent days. The walls of the buildings still bear the markings of the glorious Jan. 14: Vive la liberté , RCD degage , Enfin libres , Zinoché au tribunal . Del dittatore in fuga non è rimasta nemmeno un’immagine. Quasi all’altezza della statua di Ibn Khaldun, una folla incuriosita si è radunata di fronte alle vetrine della libreria Al Kitab. In bella vista sul ripiano troneggiano alcuni dei titoli proibiti sotto il regime Ben Ali. “Siamo presi d’assalto, ci sono già arrivate centinaia di richieste ma purtroppo quei libri non sono ancora disponibili. Le copie in esposizione ci sono state concesse da alcuni privati che fino a qualche giorno fa le tenevano ben nascoste”, commenta Mohamed Bennour, dipendente della libreria da oltre vent’anni e member of the Democratic Forum for Freedom and Labour (opposition party, the former president). Mr. Bennour try to quickly list some of the most coveted titles, La Force de l'obeissance Beatrice Hibou, Mon combat pour les Lumieres Mohamed Cherfi, Regent de Chartage Cathrine Graciet ... then stops shot and exclaimed with bitter irony: "Do you think for a few years even the guides were banned in Tunisia. In recent editions, Lonely Planet and Routard have referred to human rights violations in the country and consequently have been banned. " The bookseller then explains how the complaint: "Every time we present a respect of a foreign publisher had to deliver the list to the Interior Ministry, which clears the securities deemed suspicious or inappropriate. Was then made a second inspection on arrival of goods: officials opened the boxes and ensure that all fit together. " Mohamed Bennour is satisfied for the measure adopted by the government that the waste blacklisting imposed by Ben Ali on cultural products, but remains skeptical about the ability of the executive to impose a real transition, "have not even had the good sense to dissolve ' RCD. It 's like in Italy, after 1945, you had kept the fascist party. Do not consider it a good omen. "

"The donkey ran in Saudi Arabia but the cart is left here,"

For three weeks the Avenue Habib Bourguiba, the colonial heart of Tunis, was the scene Daily demonstrations and protests against the interim government. The promises of free elections within six months, the release of political prisoners and the opening of an investigation into the embezzlement of Ben Ali Trabelsi clan were not enough to reassure the minds of those who dispute the legitimacy of the new government. Along the avenue leading to Porte de France and then to Medina, marched citizens of all walks of life belonging to all professions and from all over the country. The message coming from the people is clear: the immediate dissolution of the RCD, via the fetishes of the old regime, via the Prime Minister Ghannouchi. "Many of the basic needs of the revolution still remain unfulfilled. We must neutralize the tentacles of the dictatorship as the RCD, its militia and secret police, to prevent this octopus of a new block, is the warning issued by Sihem Bensedrine, an independent journalist and founder of radio Kalima, issuing on- line to ban the former president.

other part of the city, the square of the casbah, there is no trace of the "caravan of freedom." Only until barbed and police patrol that prevent access to the building of the prime minister. Under his windows, on Sunday, January 23, had assembled a colorful and peaceful crowd coming from the interior regions, remote areas and forget where the revolt broke out in late December. They took photographs of their martyrs, to commemorate the new institutions that for them the revolution was not over yet. "The donkey ran in Saudi Arabia but the cart is left here," chanted the voices of Sidi Bouzid, Gafsa, Kasserine and the surrounding villages. Hundreds were camped in the square with blankets and mattresses, now gaining the sympathy of the inhabitants who had not hesitated to reach the sit-in. "It 's the spontaneous reaction of a people who do not want to see the death of his dream, who does not want to steal his revolution," stated Tarek Ferjani, an unemployed Metlaoui (400 km south of Tunis) who joined the caravan. "We have confidence in this government, we can not believe the promises of those who has served faithfully Ben Ali, the young Tunisian tucking, pointing with his hand the head of the government palace. A legitimate question to Tarek, if you think that the current Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi Minister was appointed by former dictator in 1987, the day after the coup that deposed Bourguiba. Since then he has always been part of every executive of brand Ben Ali, to take over management in 1999. A location that did not want to give up even after the departure of his mentor.

The concerns about the health of the revolution Tunisian increase if you look at the events taking place at the Casbah Friday, January 28, when the "caravan of freedom" has been wiped out in a few minutes: group of militias armed with sticks and iron bars mingled with the crowd of protesters to sow disorder, thus paving The ferocious street intervention of the police. "A typical scenario Benali, is the same story that keeps repeating itself. The militias RCD cause chaos, the officers involved massacring the protesters and armed men left the place undisturbed, "said without mince words Jilala Hamami, historical opponent of the regime, trade unionist and co-founder of the Communist Party of Tunisian Workers. According to the testimony of Hamami, confirmed by several lawyers present at surgery, the police are left behind at least two dead and dozens wounded. Local media have been silent, those aliens have turned his eyes elsewhere and have already gone to new destinations. Result, i primi morti della Tunisia post-rivoluzionaria restano solo un’ipotesi anonima, che il governo provvisorio si è velocemente scrollata di dosso. Per il sindacalista, i giornali e le televisioni nazionali non fanno che demonizzare le proteste e gli scioperi ancora in corso in tutto il paese: “gettano discredito sui manifestanti, invocano il ritorno all’ordine. Ma a quale ordine? Quello che c’era prima? Sembra quasi che dicano: «Basta con questa storia della rivoluzione, vi abbiamo lasciato sfogare ora è il momento di tornare ognuno al proprio posto»”.

Rivoluzione o colpo di stato?

E’ difficile spiegare cosa stia succedendo nel paese in those days. One thing however is clear: despite the fall of the dictator, the apparatus on which it was holding its system of power are still standing and perpetuate themselves. It is unclear whether Ghannouchi and his government are involved in the repression of demonstrators at the casbah, or whether it was the initiative of a police force too tied to old methods. In any case, the Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior to be considered directly responsible for the work done by the police and the presence of armed militias in the streets with impunity to sow chaos.

According to Beatrice Hibou, a researcher at the CNRS in Paris, the departure of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali is not sufficient, alone, in the transition to democracy. "The whole system that characterized the regime of Ben Ali is still there, including his own party that ensured the repression and social control. The RCD and its harmony with the institutional and administrative structures of the country should be deleted. Only then will begin a real change. " Even more explicit is Taoufik Ben Brik, "a revolution, to be called such, must lead to a radical change in political, economic and social development. Tunisia is not happening in any of this. " Ben Brik, a poet and novelist of international renown, has paid with his prison writings arson at the former dictator. Today does not hide his concern over developments that may seem to take on the Tunisian political scene: "I fear that we are preparing the groundwork for a new regime, the same as the previous one. These gang leaders who set themselves up as representatives of national unity are trying to stifle the revolution, being transformed into a palace coup. They made quick mea culpa and now sit in government with no legitimacy. " When

November 7, 1987 a coup d'etat "surgical" deposed Habib Bourguiba, was his Prime Minister Ben Ali to take his place. A man of his own party on which the former president placed his trust. The promises made at the time, apertura democratica, pluralismo politico, rispetto dei diritti umani e della libertà di espressione, vennero dimenticate in pochi mesi. A prevalere fu il desiderio di stabilità e la difesa dei fondamenti dello stato contro la minaccia islamista di Annadha, assicurata da un uomo “forte” alla guida del paese. A ventitre anni di distanza sono molte le similitudini che si impongono allo sguardo del cittadino tunisino. Mohamed Ghannouchi, premier di fiducia di Ben Ali, sta facendo leva sugli stessi argomenti, utilizzati due decenni prima dal suo predecessore, per raccogliere un consenso trasversale attorno alla sua figura e per mettere fine alle proteste di un popolo desideroso di cambiamento. La tanto celebrata libertà di stampa sembra già essersi resolved in a quick alignment of the national media on the positions of the provisional government. Those who have tried to criticize the actions of the executive, as the private channel Hannibal TV, has been accused of "treason" and "plotting against state security" (the charge was then mysteriously withdrawn and the network owner was released after 24 hours). As regards respect for human rights, carried out the raid to the casbah on 28 January and the resumption of violence against the demonstrators do not seem to offer many guarantees for the future.

Red Palms More For_patients

Ben Brik: “La rivoluzione deve portare a un cambiamento radicale”

TUNIS - On the tenth floor of a huge white building, which is nestled in the far periphery of the city, "Don Quixote of Tunis," says his revolution and makes no secret of concern about the possible resurgence authoritarian already seems to threaten the "jasmine revolution".

Taoufik Ben Brik, a poet and novelist of international renown, has never concealed his activities as opposed to the regime of Ben Ali. "In April 2000, to protest against human rights violations in the country, I stayed for forty days on hunger strike until the Interior Ministry, under pressure from the French authorities would not consent to my admission to a Paris hospital to return the passport, "recalls the same Ben Brik, years suffering from Cushing's disease (a disease that deprives him of immunity). His books have been banned from the country. In his articles, published mostly in the French press (Le Nouvel Observateur , Le Courrier International), has for years denounced the brutal dictatorship established by the former president. "I never had the freedom but I always found the means to express myself - the opponent is confident with pride - I never stopped writing, even after warnings from intimidation and bullies Ben Ali, even after prison." During the last presidential elections (October 2009) Ben Brik has paid his insubordination with six months in jail, guilty of the international media have criticized the "electoral masquerade that accompanied the coronation of the fifth ruler of Carthage."

interview with Taoufik Ben Brik (Tunis, 26 January 2011)

Granci James: It is said that writers and intellectuals in particular always have the thermometer in the situation. Taoufik Ben Brik was expecting such a rude awakening of the Tunisian people?

Taoufik Ben Brik: The answer, without false modesty, a gift that the rest do not belong to me. In my books, I predicted the revolution, which I consider to be a bit 'the prophet. Not because the Prophet sent by someone, but because I described the events we have witnessed in recent weeks. "Sublime January grant one day of glory," I wrote a poem. Everything was there, ready to explode and had to be blind not to see it. I expected to see the people marching down the street and burn photos of Ben Ali in 2004. I was just ahead of its time.

JG: What was your reaction on January 14 last year?

TBB: If I think of what happened in Tunisia tra la fine di dicembre e il 14 gennaio, la prima immagine mi riporta subito a Cervantes: migliaia di Don Chisciotte armati di una misera lancia di legno che attaccano il più grande dei mulini a vento del nostro paese, il tetro Ministero dell’Interno. Ma allo stesso tempo, senza nulla togliere allo straordinario coraggio del popolo tunisino, senza il quale nulla sarebbe stato possibile, non credo che sia stata detta la verità su quanto accaduto all’interno del Palazzo.

J. G.: Che cosa intende dire?

T. B. B.: Penso che ci siano state delle trattative, dopo la carneficina di Thala e Kasserine. In quel preciso momento Ben Ali has become inconvenient, heavy, even for its Western allies, who were ordered to leave the field. Ben Ali has earned his golden retirement, negotiated the release of good Trabelsi clan, and has secured an airlift. Asked 3 tons of gold and have given him one and a half. His departure was well prepared. The family started in early January. The last to leave the country was at Sakhr Materi, son of Ben Ali, January 12. The great chief then he went to Saudi Arabia, the fifty-first American state. I do not think a case. In addition there was with him when he left a Saudi Emir. The destination was already decided.

JG: What do you think of the current situation?

TBB: The government of transition, including the former opposition parties recognized and engulfed by Ben Ali, have no legitimacy. Entities are empty, light-years away from the needs and hopes of the population. These poor figures who are representatives of national unity are shamelessly trying to recover the revolution, to suppress it, and some are already successful. Day after day, all those who have come to align with the course of events. RCD men now claim the revolution, even the police have made mea culpa. Newspapers and le televisioni di regime, che mai avevano osato sollevare il minimo dubbio o la minima critica in ventitre anni di potere di Ben Ali, adesso si riempiono la bocca e non parlano altro che di rivoluzione, libertà e transizione democratica. La verità è che hanno rubato il sogno del popolo tunisino e stanno già preparando le basi per il nuovo regime, identico a quello precedente. Per questo le manifestazioni continuano. Le proteste sono legittime e andranno avanti fino a quando non verrà portato a termine il lavoro.

J. G.: Che cosa manca alla rivoluzione tunisina per dirsi compiuta?

T. B. B.: Una rivoluzione, per dirsi tale, deve portare a radical change in political, economic and social development. Herein lies the great question which the country is facing. A considerable part of Tunisian society took advantage of the system deployed by Ben Ali, by his party-state militias, the 130 000 police officers recruited from practices of patronage on which govern the administration, even from smuggling at the borders. This monolith has not yet been affected, and until it is dismantled piece by piece it is difficult to imagine such a change, in which many now fear.

JG: What, in his view, the priority to get the change?

T. B. B.: Assieme ad altri personaggi di spicco del panorama culturale, sindacale e associativo abbiamo rivolto un appello, rimasto inascoltato, per la costituzione di una Convenzione nazionale. Una convenzione che raccolga le istanze politiche (eccetto le mummie ereditate dal vecchio regime), sindacali e della società civile. Ripeto, non sono i due o tre partiti ora al governo i legittimi rappresentanti del popolo tunisino. Dalla Convenzione nazionale dovrà uscire poi un’assemblea costituente, con l’obiettivo di redigere le linee guida e i riferimenti assoluti del nuovo stato, democratico e garante delle libertà e del rispetto dei diritti dei cittadini, in una parola la nuova costituzione.

J. G.: La costituzione attuale non garantisce tali libertà?

T. B. B.: La costituzione attuale è un mostro orribile! In Ben Avi la momie ho dedicato pagine e pagine alla denuncia di questo testo, modificato più e più volte in corso d’opera, che ha fatto di Ben Ali un Dio in terra. “Si è fatto murare vivo, neanche fosse un faraone, e la costituzione è il suo sarcofago, cesellato e rifinito per celebrarne la gloria eterna. (…) gli dà il potere supremo, l’immunità atemporale e gli assicura l’immortalità”. Anche il tempo è preso in ostaggio in questa costituzione.

JG: In any case, correct me if I'm wrong, she has already proposed his candidacy in the upcoming presidential election.

TBB: Yes, I have proposed as an independent candidate, although in principle I am opposed to the institution of the Presidency of the republic, which in these conditions is an invitation to authoritarian and dictatorial management of the country. I wrote it very clear in Les Plageurs are against every president "who live in palaces and gulliveriani squander in an hour what the people of Karachi are spending in a decade." I am against an institution which I believe turns the human being to be divine, that allows buildings by five meters high gilded ceilings, suitable perhaps to Gargantua, but certainly not the likes of Vaclav Havel or Ben Ali.

JG: So because he wants to apply?

TBB: To tell people that that chair is not a sacred throne. That place it is for mere mortals, so that even a scoundrel like Ben Brik can nourish the hope of getting there. In fact in the past (the 2004 presidential election, note) I did it to angry Ben Ali, to try to spoil the party. Now I do it to annoy the new pretenders to all those gang leaders who pretend to be legitimate heroes and martyrs of the revolutionary regime.

JG: You know what they say around you?

TBB: Some call me "the crowds of Tunis." They say I'm too iconoclastic and radical, but to them I say, are as radical as people who take to the streets in recent days to defend positions and non-negotiable principles.

JG: In the unlikely event of immediate general election, as he sees the possibility of a government that includes within it the men of Ennadha?

TBB: Many friends from days I say "before you were in front of Ben Ali, now that your old enemy is gone it will come a new, Rachid Ghannouchi and his followers of Islam." For myself I have always been clear. I fought to reassert the freedom and I certainly do not entrust it to someone who will limit again. Now is their moment, but I think in the coming months, the Islamists will come out and make the void behind them. Are present throughout the country, from big cities to small villages in the interior, thanks to the mosques and imams. These locations, under police surveillance of Ben Ali in the late eighties, will return to be true outbreaks of Ennadha.

JG: Tell me about a bit 'of his life under the regime of Ben Ali opponent. Take it as an exercise to ward off ghosts hopefully long gone.

TBB: Ben Ali has done everything to make my life impossible. For years I had his men in the home, telephone and mail interception, I was constantly shadowed. Every now tightening their grip to send strong warnings. Once you have tampered with the brakes of my car. In 2004, to oppose my candidacy for president, Ben Ali has sued all the members of my family except my mother. In 2009, then imprisoned me. I thought avesse deciso di liquidarmi. Con la mia malattia un medico di prigione non è certo in grado di curarmi. Di solito sono seguito da specialisti e devo sottopormi a controlli rigidi una volta al mese. Le condizioni di detenzione poi, tra il freddo, l’umidità e la sporcizia, non aiutano una persona priva delle difese immunitarie come me. Invece ho resistito per tutti i sei mesi della condanna. Il 14 dicembre scorso, limite dell’assurdo, se la sono presa anche con mio figlio Ali. E’ stato sequestrato da due agenti che volevano condurlo in caserma per fargli fare servizio militare a quattordici anni! Ne ha parlato tutta la stampa internazionale. “Il paese dove si arruolano bambini di quattordici anni”, così aveva titolato Le Canard Enchainé . After the hunger strike of 2000, with the visibility that I had taken at the international level, I had become uncomfortable for the regime. Ben Ali has tried in every way to force me to leave the country. I told him writing Je ne pas will leave.

JG: Speaking of books, do you think will write something to celebrate this revolution?

TBB: During the last few weeks I have written more than forty articles, which will soon be collected and published in book form. I'm just undecided on the title, including brule Tunis and Sidi Bouzid mon amour.

Bibliografia

• And now, you'll hear me , ed. Aloe / Exiles Publisher, Tunis / Paris, 2000
• Laughter whale , ed. Le Seuil, Paris, 2000
• A sweet dictatorship. Chronic Tunisian 1991-2000, ed. La Découverte, Paris, 2001
• cookie Chronicle, ed. La Découverte, Paris, 2001
• Ben Brik Fi El Kasr , ed. Dar El Kaws, Tunis, 2001
• Chairman Ben Brik followed Avi Ben mummy , ed. Exiles Publisher, Paris, 2003
• The Plagieur , ed. Exiles Publisher, Paris, 2004
• I will not go , ed. Shihab, Algiers, 2007