TUNIS - Three weeks have passed by the flight of the dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and the fall of the clan of Trabelsi. The neighboring peoples, the western media, even the U.S. president Barack Obama greeted with enthusiasm the day after the revolution of Tunisia on 14 January. But the streets of the capital, that is slowly fading scent of jasmine in a few days he managed to awaken the hope of the entire Arab world, spreading courage throughout the region, from Egypt to Yemen. That aroma is sweet and delicate it seems to have given way to flushing of the harsh and irritating tear gas. The police returned to punish with violence, the protesters continue to demand the dissolution of the RCD (the party of former president) purge by institutional and administrative apparatus of the key men of the old regime. During the raid conducted Friday, January 28th at the casbah the special forces, intervened to disperse a peaceful protest in front of the office of Prime Minister Ghannouchi, they left behind the first post-revolutionary dead in Tunisia. Despite the testimonies of some of the lawyers present al momento del massacro, i media nazionali hanno taciuto, già proni ai nuovi equilibri e alle oscure manovre che reggono un “governo di unità nazionale” autoproclamato e privo di legittimità.
“Dove sei colomba della libertà?”
Accanto ai carri armati che stazionano di fronte al Ministero dell’Interno, un gruppo di ragazzi scatta foto con il cellulare e si sporge oltre il filo spinato per stringere la mano ad un giovane soldato. Elmetto ben calzato sul volto e mitra in spalla, appare quasi stordito dalle dimostrazioni di affetto con cui i tunisini hanno accolto l’esercito all’arrivo nella capitale. The same scene is repeated for days: someone throws rose above the tracks of the tank, if you distribute sweets and candies. The military, after the refusal of General Rachid Ammar firing on people in revolt, have become the heroes of the revolution, along with the martyrs of Sidi Bouzid and Kasserine. With the return of violence in the streets, the eyes of passers-by seem to invoke their protection again. They still have confidence in the army, although it remained static at the time of the first attacks by the militia and then by the police on protesters.
seating on the sidewalk a few steps away from the armored vehicles, two simple and ordinary looking girls singing the dream of a free and democratic Tunisia. "Where have you dove of freedom? / Where have you dove of peace? / Where ports now your olive branch? / Without you I do not think I can sleep ...." Selma and Salima, twin teens, have left their homes in distant suburbs of Tunis to reach the Avenue Habib Bourguiba. They brought back an old acoustic guitar, inherited from his elder brother, with whom sing the notes they wrote a verse in the bloody days of early January. "It 's our little contribution to the revolution. A tribute to all those who have died for a better Tunisia, "confess two sisters, timid voice, and a deep brown eyes. "In recent days, the situation seems worse, but we want to maintain hope that the revolution will be able to really change things," explains Selma, echoed by his sister: "Before, when there was ben Ali would have been impossible to sing public in a song about freedom. Now we're here and let us have our voices without fear. "
the long avenues and reappeared a few timid ray of sun after the rain fall in recent days. The walls of the buildings still bear the markings of the glorious Jan. 14: Vive la liberté , RCD degage , Enfin libres , Zinoché au tribunal . Del dittatore in fuga non è rimasta nemmeno un’immagine. Quasi all’altezza della statua di Ibn Khaldun, una folla incuriosita si è radunata di fronte alle vetrine della libreria Al Kitab. In bella vista sul ripiano troneggiano alcuni dei titoli proibiti sotto il regime Ben Ali. “Siamo presi d’assalto, ci sono già arrivate centinaia di richieste ma purtroppo quei libri non sono ancora disponibili. Le copie in esposizione ci sono state concesse da alcuni privati che fino a qualche giorno fa le tenevano ben nascoste”, commenta Mohamed Bennour, dipendente della libreria da oltre vent’anni e member of the Democratic Forum for Freedom and Labour (opposition party, the former president). Mr. Bennour try to quickly list some of the most coveted titles, La Force de l'obeissance Beatrice Hibou, Mon combat pour les Lumieres Mohamed Cherfi, Regent de Chartage Cathrine Graciet ... then stops shot and exclaimed with bitter irony: "Do you think for a few years even the guides were banned in Tunisia. In recent editions, Lonely Planet and Routard have referred to human rights violations in the country and consequently have been banned. " The bookseller then explains how the complaint: "Every time we present a respect of a foreign publisher had to deliver the list to the Interior Ministry, which clears the securities deemed suspicious or inappropriate. Was then made a second inspection on arrival of goods: officials opened the boxes and ensure that all fit together. " Mohamed Bennour is satisfied for the measure adopted by the government that the waste blacklisting imposed by Ben Ali on cultural products, but remains skeptical about the ability of the executive to impose a real transition, "have not even had the good sense to dissolve ' RCD. It 's like in Italy, after 1945, you had kept the fascist party. Do not consider it a good omen. "
For three weeks the Avenue Habib Bourguiba, the colonial heart of Tunis, was the scene Daily demonstrations and protests against the interim government. The promises of free elections within six months, the release of political prisoners and the opening of an investigation into the embezzlement of Ben Ali Trabelsi clan were not enough to reassure the minds of those who dispute the legitimacy of the new government. Along the avenue leading to Porte de France and then to Medina, marched citizens of all walks of life belonging to all professions and from all over the country. The message coming from the people is clear: the immediate dissolution of the RCD, via the fetishes of the old regime, via the Prime Minister Ghannouchi. "Many of the basic needs of the revolution still remain unfulfilled. We must neutralize the tentacles of the dictatorship as the RCD, its militia and secret police, to prevent this octopus of a new block, is the warning issued by Sihem Bensedrine, an independent journalist and founder of radio Kalima, issuing on- line to ban the former president.
other part of the city, the square of the casbah, there is no trace of the "caravan of freedom." Only until barbed and police patrol that prevent access to the building of the prime minister. Under his windows, on Sunday, January 23, had assembled a colorful and peaceful crowd coming from the interior regions, remote areas and forget where the revolt broke out in late December. They took photographs of their martyrs, to commemorate the new institutions that for them the revolution was not over yet. "The donkey ran in Saudi Arabia but the cart is left here," chanted the voices of Sidi Bouzid, Gafsa, Kasserine and the surrounding villages. Hundreds were camped in the square with blankets and mattresses, now gaining the sympathy of the inhabitants who had not hesitated to reach the sit-in. "It 's the spontaneous reaction of a people who do not want to see the death of his dream, who does not want to steal his revolution," stated Tarek Ferjani, an unemployed Metlaoui (400 km south of Tunis) who joined the caravan. "We have confidence in this government, we can not believe the promises of those who has served faithfully Ben Ali, the young Tunisian tucking, pointing with his hand the head of the government palace. A legitimate question to Tarek, if you think that the current Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi Minister was appointed by former dictator in 1987, the day after the coup that deposed Bourguiba. Since then he has always been part of every executive of brand Ben Ali, to take over management in 1999. A location that did not want to give up even after the departure of his mentor. 
The concerns about the health of the revolution Tunisian increase if you look at the events taking place at the Casbah Friday, January 28, when the "caravan of freedom" has been wiped out in a few minutes: group of militias armed with sticks and iron bars mingled with the crowd of protesters to sow disorder, thus paving The ferocious street intervention of the police. "A typical scenario Benali, is the same story that keeps repeating itself. The militias RCD cause chaos, the officers involved massacring the protesters and armed men left the place undisturbed, "said without mince words Jilala Hamami, historical opponent of the regime, trade unionist and co-founder of the Communist Party of Tunisian Workers. According to the testimony of Hamami, confirmed by several lawyers present at surgery, the police are left behind at least two dead and dozens wounded. Local media have been silent, those aliens have turned his eyes elsewhere and have already gone to new destinations. Result, i primi morti della Tunisia post-rivoluzionaria restano solo un’ipotesi anonima, che il governo provvisorio si è velocemente scrollata di dosso. Per il sindacalista, i giornali e le televisioni nazionali non fanno che demonizzare le proteste e gli scioperi ancora in corso in tutto il paese: “gettano discredito sui manifestanti, invocano il ritorno all’ordine. Ma a quale ordine? Quello che c’era prima? Sembra quasi che dicano: «Basta con questa storia della rivoluzione, vi abbiamo lasciato sfogare ora è il momento di tornare ognuno al proprio posto»”.
Rivoluzione o colpo di stato?
E’ difficile spiegare cosa stia succedendo nel paese in those days. One thing however is clear: despite the fall of the dictator, the apparatus on which it was holding its system of power are still standing and perpetuate themselves. It is unclear whether Ghannouchi and his government are involved in the repression of demonstrators at the casbah, or whether it was the initiative of a police force too tied to old methods. In any case, the Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior to be considered directly responsible for the work done by the police and the presence of armed militias in the streets with impunity to sow chaos.
According to Beatrice Hibou, a researcher at the CNRS in Paris, the departure of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali is not sufficient, alone, in the transition to democracy. "The whole system that characterized the regime of Ben Ali is still there, including his own party that ensured the repression and social control. The RCD and its harmony with the institutional and administrative structures of the country should be deleted. Only then will begin a real change. " Even more explicit is Taoufik Ben Brik, "a revolution, to be called such, must lead to a radical change in political, economic and social development. Tunisia is not happening in any of this. " Ben Brik, a poet and novelist of international renown, has paid with his prison writings arson at the former dictator. Today does not hide his concern over developments that may seem to take on the Tunisian political scene: "I fear that we are preparing the groundwork for a new regime, the same as the previous one. These gang leaders who set themselves up as representatives of national unity are trying to stifle the revolution, being transformed into a palace coup. They made quick mea culpa and now sit in government with no legitimacy. " When November 7, 1987 a coup d'etat "surgical" deposed Habib Bourguiba, was his Prime Minister Ben Ali to take his place. A man of his own party on which the former president placed his trust. The promises made at the time, apertura democratica, pluralismo politico, rispetto dei diritti umani e della libertà di espressione, vennero dimenticate in pochi mesi. A prevalere fu il desiderio di stabilità e la difesa dei fondamenti dello stato contro la minaccia islamista di Annadha, assicurata da un uomo “forte” alla guida del paese. A ventitre anni di distanza sono molte le similitudini che si impongono allo sguardo del cittadino tunisino. Mohamed Ghannouchi, premier di fiducia di Ben Ali, sta facendo leva sugli stessi argomenti, utilizzati due decenni prima dal suo predecessore, per raccogliere un consenso trasversale attorno alla sua figura e per mettere fine alle proteste di un popolo desideroso di cambiamento. La tanto celebrata libertà di stampa sembra già essersi resolved in a quick alignment of the national media on the positions of the provisional government. Those who have tried to criticize the actions of the executive, as the private channel Hannibal TV, has been accused of "treason" and "plotting against state security" (the charge was then mysteriously withdrawn and the network owner was released after 24 hours). As regards respect for human rights, carried out the raid to the casbah on 28 January and the resumption of violence against the demonstrators do not seem to offer many guarantees for the future.
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