TUNIS - Hamami Jilani, in addition to having served as Secretary-General of the PTT officials (trade association, post and telecommunications, which is part of the General Union of Tunisian Workers - UGTT, ed), is one of the founders of the Communist Party of Workers Tunisia (PCOT). Syndicalist "dissident" and political opponents during the regime of Ben Ali, speaks about the collusion between the Hamami UGTT former dictator and said his fight within the union is also a member today.
Interview Jilani Hamami (Tunis, 29 January 2011)
Jacopo crabs: In his history of opposition politician has ever had the experience of prison?
Jilani Hamami: Yes, twice, in 1984 and 1997. In both cases the arrests were not due to active politics, but my work as a trade unionist. The first time, nel 1984, avevo lanciato uno sciopero dei dipendenti della posta e del settore telecomunicazioni durato dieci giorni. Dieci giorni di paralisi, in cui gli uffici postali si sono fermati e lo Stato ha dovuto chiedere l’intervento dell’esercito per assicurare il servizio. Alla fine della protesta sono stato arrestato. Rischiavo una condanna a quattro anni di carcere ma, grazie al sostegno delle organizzazioni sindacali internazionali, le accuse sono state ritirate ed ho potuto lasciare la prigione dopo solo tre mesi, durante i quali non sono mai stato maltrattato.
Nel secondo caso, nel 1997, ero il rappresentante nazionale della federazione PTT e come tale membro della Commissione amministrativa dell’UGTT. Ero assolutamente contrary to the approach taken by the Executive Office. The Secretary then, Sahbani Ismail, was undermining the activities of the union, the efforts from its base and the entire democratic movement in Tunisia. He was so compromised with the regime that Ben Ali called him "the minister of labor." In addition there was no transparency in the management of financial resources dell'UGTT. Along with other trade unionists fed up with this situation, we circulated a petition calling for a national council extraordinary that the direction we wanted was discouraged. But Sahbani went to the police and accused us of wanting to create unrest in the country by attacking its official establishment and circulating false information about him. It was once again the involvement of international organizations, not just unions but also to human rights, to stop the process. Released from prison a few months later, I still found myself without a job and paid from my post of national secretary of the federation PTT. It took a hunger strike in front of the seat dell'UGTT, who joined my family because I could obtain another job and I could return the passport, which had been deprived during the nineties.
JG: In this second arrest has undergone special treatment by the police?
JH: No, they had no reason. We have taken our responsibility and we have never denied that he had circulated the petition. On the contrary openly were defending our point of view, so there was no need to torture or ill-treatment, leading to a confession. It was an internal problem of the union, the police had nothing to do. But then during the Ben Ali regime the UGTT, as some opposition parties alleged, played a key role in stifling any need for change and ensuring the country's stability and social peace so celebrated by the former dictator.
JG: In spite of this she is still part dell'UGTT?
JH: Yes, I am still a member dell'UGTT. But this does not mean you approve of his top choices. Inside the center there are many trade union federations and regional divisions that are still dissenters than to the executive board. And then there are the political representatives, as the same PCOT or Nationalist Party, independent activists and individuals who seek to lobby for a change. I'll give you one example. In July 2010 we created the Charte et Démocratique Syndicale militant, a document written by people like me, wants to settle the score with a management benaliana mafia and the union. A deeply anti-democratic management, which has always included several prominent progressives at the top.
JG: What reactions have followed your initiative?
JH: The police has started the persecution since August. We were put under surveillance. Stalking continues throughout the day, cars waiting in front of the door at night. The phone control, as well as e-mail. A system designed on purpose to sow panic and create a vacuum around you. In this way, no one wants to call you or visit you. At the end of the month, they took me to the police station with the excuse of having caused an accident. In fact I was to have been buffered. Mi hanno tenuto dentro ventiquattrore e poi mi hanno lasciato andare senza accuse. Tutto ciò per impedirmi di partecipare ad una riunione clandestina dei fondatori della Charte prevista quel giorno. Ad ottobre sono stato convocato di nuovo in commissariato: la polizia voleva costringermi a firmare un verbale in cui dichiaravo di far parte di un’organizzazione illegale. Ho saputo poi che era stata la direzione centrale del sindacato a dare le informazioni alla polizia. I gran capi cominciavano a temere che la nostra iniziativa riscuotesse troppo successo all’interno dell’UGTT e così ci hanno venduti.
J. G.: Dopo la rivoluzione i vertici dell’UGTT sono cambiati o sono sempre gli stessi?
JH: It's always the same. Before the fall of Ben Ali was elected not provided an extraordinary congress that would change the regulations to allow national representatives to be able to reapply at the helm of the union (the elective conference was scheduled in December 2011). We, the promoters of the Charter, we were opposed. Now the situation is different, or at least it seems. The old guard is on the defensive because he knows that it can not compel union members to go along with the threats, as he had done in the past. The base dell'UGTT has raised its head and no longer afraid of the Executive Office. I think the next Congress, where it will elect the new instances, will be decisive for the credibility and perhaps the very survival of the union.
JG: What is the position dell'UGTT compared to the transitional government?
JH: First of all, we must distinguish between the "official" by the media and the "true position". Just this week the leaders dell'UGTT have a dirty game. Jrad The Secretary-General has accepted the deal offered to him by the interim president Fouad Menbazaa without the support of the Administrative Commission (the body with representation from more extensive), as it provides the statute. Have melted the government to try to stop the protests, but on the condition of maintaining the new Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi training and three other ministers in office. Formally, the national press said the UGTT supports the new transitional government within the union but in reality there are different positions and the majority of the Commission does not agree either with the Secretary Jrad, nor with the new Executive Ghannouchi. Many of the members dell'UGTT continued the protest and stayed together to the casbah "caravan" until yesterday (January 28, the day of the violent eviction carried out by the police, ed.) They even witnessed the death of three people at the offices of the police.
J. G.: E il suo partito cosa pensa del governo Ghannouchi?
J. H.: Il governo Ghannouchi non ha alcuna legittimità e sta facendo ben poco per ingraziarsi il sostegno della popolazione. Nella nuova formazione, fresca di nomina, ci sono ancora membri dei vecchi clan di potere. Per esempio il ministro dell’Interno Ferhat Rajhi è un giudice, ex RCD, conosciuto nel foro per la sua corruzione. Non abbiamo la minima fiducia in questi loschi personaggi.
J. G.: Quali sono ora le priorità per il PCOT?
J. H.: In questo momento, il primo passo da compiere è la dissoluzione dell’RCD, un partito a struttura e vocazione chiaramente fascista. Poi si deve aprire un confronto tra tutte le parti politiche e sociali per la creazione di una costituente, che lavori in parallelo ad un governo provvisorio ripulito, per riformare la legislazione del paese. Questa non è solo la posizione del PCOT, ma di un’intera coalizione di forze democratiche riunita sotto il nome di Fronte 14 gennaio, di cui fanno parte i partiti di sinistra, i nazionalisti, alcune frange dell’UGTT e le organizzazioni della società civile (Lega tunisina per i diritti umani, Movimento per la dignità popolare, l’associazione Femmes democrates, la Lega degli scrittori liberi e l’associazione contro la tortura).
JG: Can you briefly summarize the history of his party under the regime of Ben Ali?
JH: The party was created January 3, 1986, to commemorate the lifting of the Tunisian people, occurred two years earlier, the "bread riots" (January 1984). The president was still Habib Bourguiba. Since then, training has never been formally recognized by the regime and remains illegal today. In 1988, the year of the fake opening to the pluralism of Ben Ali, had applied for legalization, but it was rejected. The next year, following the success of Annadha elections, was voted a new law on political parties and from that moment was the total closure of political space, followed by the arrests in the early nineties and the beginning of physical repression of our militants. About three hundred activists ended up in prison between 1990 and 1991. After Annadha the PCOT is the political formation that has most suffered from the war declared by Ben Ali in opposition.
JG: He cited the example of Annadha. The paintings of the PCOT, such as the Islamist party, fled abroad to escape prosecution?
JH: No, ours has been a conscious political choice. We decided not to leave the country, even if forced, in some cases, to go into hiding or in jail. Samir for example (a member of the Communist Youth sitting at our table, note) he hid for three years before being arrested by police in 2002. For his political activities at the university was sentenced to nine years in prison, along with the secretary of the Hamma PCOT Hamami, but spent only one and then was released.
JG: You spoke earlier about the "alleged opposition parties." He was referring to a case Attajdid? What is your position on the "comrades" who are now part of the executive transition?
JH: Attajdid is not a leftist party, the rest has not even kept the name. They are recycled old Tunisian Communist Party, renamed Attajdid after the fall of the Soviet bloc, who have erased all references to the socialist ideological framework and the system will be tacitly allies Ben Ali. The former secretary, Mohamed Harbal, was promptly sent to the European Parliament to defend the regime from charges of violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms that were addressed. He was a dictator game, saying: "Your voice criticism of Tunisia are unfounded since I, a member of an opposition party, are here today to talk about." Attajdid has brought together the Tunisian democratic movement only after the Congress of 2007 which replaced the old leadership and has appointed Ibrahim secretary. Nevertheless, they were the only non-RCD party to be present in parliament, which suggests that since Ben Ali in Tunisia were not the elections to ensure access to the assembly, but the will of the regime, which came even individuals to decide the election.
JG: What do you think instead of Annadha participation in the political debate that seems to be opening in the country?
JH: Annadha has experienced two different phases in its history. In the first period was decidedly undemocratic and brought an Islamic government set on the principles of sharia. In the second phase, after the repression suffered during the eighties, the formation of Rachid Ghannouchi has changed strategy and objectives, adhering to the view of gradually democratic resistance, without sacrificing the Islamic powers. A shift that was officially sanctioned in the eighth party congress held in London in 1998. Inside, there are still different factions, some more moderate and more radical, however Annadha joined the platform calls for democracy promoted by the Movement on October 18.
JG: What is it about?
JH: In 2005, held in Tunis World Summit of communication, a huge insult view the complete violation of freedom of expression in the country. On the sidelines of the conference, a dozen activists of the democratic movement, including the Hamma Hamami PCOT, Najib Chebbi of the PDP (Democratic Progressive Party), some members of Annadha and other independent, have launched a hunger strike that drew ' international attention. After the protest, which lasted about twenty days, it was decided to form a sort of coalition, called precisely Movement October 18, demanding the recognition of rights and fundamental freedoms in Tunisia. At the same time, within the coalition, opened a debate on the priorities to be followed to start the democratic change the country. The platform that came out, shared by Annadha, recognizes the need to distinguish the state from religion, then the principle of secularism as the foundation for democracy. But the movement was short-lived. Gone the international spotlight, police in Ben Ali regained the freedom of his duties and discussions broke down.
JG: Annadha has, in its view, full political legitimacy?
JH: Absolutely. It is a national public opinion and of Tunisian society, would be wrong not to take into account . Once embarked on the path of democracy, freedom of expression and participation should be attached to all regardless of political ideology professed. In 1991, when they began the arrests against members of Annadha, me and fellow party we oppose and denounce the myopia of the repressive policy of the Government and supported by some opposition forces. The people have the right to choose freely.
JG: So for her, secular and communist militant, Annadha not a threat?
JH: I believe that if the people Tunisia will live a true democracy, not persuaded by the argument will never leave the political-religious Annadha. If you continue to exclude and repress Annadha, we will only increase his strength and sympathy collected among the population. The freedom and democracy, participation in political life is the best way to prevent the party Ghannouchi face a vacuum in the country. Sure, the financial resources and support they have now will allow him to get a good result in the case of regular elections. But this was only a momentary reflection, also due to the legitimacy gained by the movement in the past. The Tunisian people are not fundamentalist. It 's a people of faith, but open. He well anchored itself in the values \u200b\u200bof secularism and gender equality. In partnership Fammes democrates, for example, there are many veiled women who make the prayer five times a day. None of them would ever be willing to vote for Annadha.
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