In Egypt, the demonstrations continue to demand the departure of Mubarak. The Tunisia is again the scene of violence and clashes around the country. The population and the opposition parties contesting the appointment of new local government made by the executive confirmed. Saturday, February 5 in the town of El Kef, four people (two according to the Ministry of Interior) have lost their lives during an attack by the militias of the RCD (party of former president) to the police station. Meanwhile, Interior Minister Ferhat Najhi announced the suspension of the former ruling party "waiting to submit a formal application to obtain justice for its dissolution." In the realm
Alawite increasing tension ahead of Day of Action scheduled for next February 20. "To change the Morocco, freedom and democracy now" is the slogan promoted by Rachid Antide, a young surfer who launched the event on Facebook a week ago. The Moroccan Association for Human Rights organization Islamic Justice and Charity (not recognized by the regime) have publicly declared their support for planned events throughout the country. Meanwhile, increasing signs of a possible infection of the riots that erupted in Tunisia and Egypt. In recent weeks there have been four suicide attempts. Last February 1, when a young teacher set himself on fire in front of the Ministry of Education. In recently there have been dozens of injuries and accidents in the city of Fes, where the Marxist student organizations had called a protest march repressed by the police.
Why Morocco trembles
The weekly Tel Quel (No. 459, 5-11 February 2011) has gathered the voices of the main representatives of the Moroccan civil society. Here are the reasons why Morocco should not feel protected from the "contagion" Tunisian and Egyptian.
Fouad Abdelmoumni (human rights activist): "The institution of monarchy has not lost too much credibility within the general public. The political class has served as a safety valve, a scapegoat in order to overcome the moments of tension and animated protests in the country. But now we find ourselves in a political vacuum abysmal. People no longer has any trust in political parties, so that he even deprived of the vote (the reference in the legislative elections of September 2007, when they voted only 35% of those eligible, ed.) This causes a general disenchantment that can easily explode into open protest of the people. The Tunisian and Egyptian cases are there to remind us. "
Azzedine Akesbi (economist, professor at the Institute of Agronomy, Rabat), "Too often the articles finance laws were intended to further the interests of large groups. The economic liberalization and free competition is but a facade. Add to this a substantial ineffectiveness of public policies. The failure of agricultural policy forces us, for example, in a situation of dependency on food, just as our neighbors in North Africa. If the first was not hard to feed the people without spending too much, the regime finds itself trapped between the hammer today (the weak purchasing power) anvil (rising global commodity prices). "
Lahcen Daoudi (economist, member of the Party for Justice and development trend of moderate Islam): "Today we live in a three-speed Morocco. A kingdom made up of windows of luxury, motorways and TGV, another of the suburbs, where residents how they can survive, and the deep country, left to itself, without the minimum conditions for a decent life. Public policy measures taken so far have proved totally ineffective. "
Rachid Filali Meknassi (chairman of Transparency Maroc): "In Morocco, we see a huge paradox: the government has appropriated the discourse carried out by civil society about corruption, not that this has translated into concrete action . We see this with the instance centrale di prevenzione contro la corruzione (ICPC), che non dispone delle prerogative né dei mezzi necessari per compiere la sua missione. Oggi più che mai bisogna sanzionare i corrotti e mettere al bando la cultura dell’impunità che ancora aleggia nel paese”.
Abdelhamid Amine (vice-presidente dell’Associazione marocchina dei diritti umani): “Che non fosse il caso di sopravvalutare i passi avanti compiuti in materia di diritti umani nel paese l’abbiamo sempre sostenuto. Questi progressi reali restano a nostro avviso precari e possono scomparire da un momento all’altro. Per evitarlo, crediamo che siano ormai necessari dei cambiamenti radicali. In primis l’adozione of a democratic constitution. 'S time to stop these theories Moroccan features. It is served in front of terrorism as it should be used in front of the protest movements? ".
Essoulami Said (director of the Center for Media Freedom in North Africa and Middle East): "The narrowing of press freedom has greatly reduced the number of publications critical of the regime. Those survivors feel on bail, stifled the economic boycott by the advertiser. The newspapers are living with a sword of Damocles over the head: astronomical fines can hit at any time. "
Mohamed Darif (political scientist, a specialist in political Islam): "In Morocco, the Commanderie des croyants, which gives historical and religious legitimacy to the monarchy, there is a safety valve to neutralize the Islamists. Even legal Islamism, represented in parliament, serves the same purpose. The risk is, however, by politicians, interest or conviction, they preach the destruction of various radical Islamic organizations in the country. Such a connection will prove very dangerous for the stability of Morocco. "
Khadija Ryad (President of the Moroccan Human Rights): "A Sidi Ifni (June 2008), young people spontaneously took to the streets to protest against poor social conditions in which they were relegated. Their reaction was violent, contrary to what happens during the demonstrations and sit-in against the high cost of living, framed by activists of the associations. That said you can not make any prediction. Many thought that Egypt could not live the same scenario as in Tunisia, on the pretext that the two countries were not comparable. We all witnessed what happened. "
Morocco will not be spared from the riots. The estimates of Moulay Moulay Hicham
Hicham, "rouge prince and cousin of Mohammed VI in Rabat ostracized by the court, think that the kingdom will not be spared the wave of protest that rocked Tunisia, Egypt and other Arab countries.
(article published on the website by Mohamed Touati International Centre for Human Rights - oxine)
Jasmine Revolution, which led to the fall of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia, and the events that are unsettling to the regime of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt will certainly have repercussions in the United Alawite. Morocco "will probably not except among the Arab countries after the revolution and Tunisia events that challenge the current power in Egypt, "he said Monday, the cousin of the Moroccan king Mohammed VI. The "Morocco has not yet been touched ... But do not be deceived: Almost all authoritarian systems will be affected by the wave of protests. Morocco will probably than not, "said Moulay Hicham during an interview granted to the English newspaper El Pais . Known for his criticism of the Moroccan monarchy and its political system, the cousin of the king is uncertain: "It remains to be seen whether the challenge will be social, political and even if the political, influenced by recent events, give you a move. "
Morocco is out of breath? "The dynamics of political liberalization initiated in the late 90's practically empty. Give new dynamism to the Moroccan political life in the regional context, avoiding the radicalism, it will be a great challenge, "noted the Moroccan prince falls in third place for the succession to the throne Alawite. What will be the impact of the revolution of events in Egypt and Tunisia to Morocco? They represent a "break with the previous schemes," he pointed out "the rebel prince." Then, turning to Europe, advised her to "wake up, stop appoggiare delle dittature che non sono vitali e di appoggiare invece i movimenti che aspirano ad un mutamento durevole”. Avendo scelto di manifestare il suo pensiero dalle colonne di un quotidiano spagnolo dell’importanza di El Pais , Moulay Hicham ha in qualche modo avallato quanto riportato dai media spagnoli sui movimenti di truppe verso Casablanca e Rabat per contrastare eventuali rivolte. Informazione o condizionamento? Il governo marocchino prende sul serio quelle che pure definisce “affermazioni infondate” ed ha reagito al primo colpo.
L’ambasciatore del Regno di Spagna a Rabat è stato convocato. Il Makhzen ci ha tenuto a protestare contro le informazioni propagate dai media spagnoli a proposito di movimenti of Moroccan troops to deal with hypothetical events. The response has fallen short of information. "The Moroccan government has received with indignation the information disseminated by certain media partisan English public, especially public television Canal 24 Horas, among other newspapers that have taken over the baseless claims related to the fact that Morocco would shift troops of the Armed Forces of the real stationed in the provinces of the south to Casablanca and Rabat, and this in anticipation of any alleged events, "he said Sunday during a press conference, the Moroccan Minister of Communications, the government spokesman.
The English media were behind di una crisi diplomatica tra il loro paese e il Regno del Marocco? L’ambasciatore del Regno di Spagna a Rabat è stato convocato dal capo della diplomazia marocchina. “Volendo trasmettere al governo spagnolo l’indignazione del Marocco per queste irresponsabili macchinazioni, il signor ministro degli Affari esteri e della cooperazione ha convocato oggi il signor ambasciatore del Regno di Spagna a Rabat ed ha avuto un colloquio col suo omologo spagnolo”, ha reso noto Khalid Naciri. Di nuovo soffia un vento glaciale sulle relazioni tra Madrid e Rabat dopo l’attacco delle forze di occupazione marocchine contro il campo saharawi di Gdeim Izik. Le dichiarazioni di Moulay Hicham a El Pais arrivano come un capello nella zuppa e rischiano to irritate more than one reason for Mohammed VI.
In Morocco, the revolution will be bloody
Aboubakr Jamai denounces the drifts "the Tunisian" the monarch and his court.
(Interview with Aboubakr Jamai, founder of Le Journal Hebdomadaire, published by Le Nouvel Observateur No 2411, 20-26 January 2011)
NO: What reaction has taken place in Morocco after the departure of Ben Ali ?
AJ: At first there was no official reaction from the Moroccan authorities. The television channel 2M, close to the positions of monarchy, presented reports on the chaos and lawlessness in the country which had fallen upon the departure of the dictator.
NO: Politics of Tunisia and Morocco that have points in common?
AJ: In Morocco, there was an opening phase, begun by Hassan II in the nineties. But the scheme has supported very soon Tunisian example to stop the democratic parentheses. General Laanigri, former head of security at the beginning of the reign of Mohammed VI did nothing but boast the model Ben Ali. In fact, his country, while not respecting human rights, was perceived as the most stable countries in the region who fought successfully Islamists. Le Journal Hebdomadaire , ordered before its closure a year ago, had repeatedly denounced the "benalizzazione" of Morocco.
NO: What do you mean "benalizzazione?
AJ: A process developed on two different floors. The first politician: the Party of Modernity and Authenticity of his friend and advisor to King Fouad Ali El Himma, imitating the Tunisian RCD in its desire for hegemony on the country's political life. But above all, and this affects the second floor, we are witnessing a true "monarchizzazione" economy. Cablegrams of Wikileaks have revealed as corruption is much more present today than in the days of Hassan II. "If you want to do business in Morocco, you must go through one of three people: the king, Fouad Ali El Himma or Mounir Majidi, the monarch's personal secretary and owner of the holding company Siger, which deals with the economic interests of the family of the King" , explained a businessman close to the Palace, not to criticize the system but simply to give the right information to American investors. Mohammed VI is in fact the first bank in the United, and is the first insurer in the telecommunications sector.
NO: But Morocco does not seem on the verge of a popular uprising ...
AJ: It 's a miracle in a country where wealth is as obscene as the misery. What is saving the revolution from Morocco is the presence of social intermediaries, such as the Moroccan Association of Human Rights, which channel the anger of the Moroccan and the Islamists, who take care of the poor at local level. But the country has already been the scene, in recent years, sporadic revolts against high prices and lack of rule of law. The news today is that the elite, that democracy would lead a country like Morocco to the chaos, they start to get scared. Because even authoritarian systems must be managed intelligently. Mohammed VI instead made a series of political blunders: it was a major shareholder of Brasserie du Maroc (company that produces alcoholic beverages) and casino in Macao, he who is the Commander of the believers (religious leaders of the country, as determined by ' art. 19 of the Constitution, ed.) The Moroccan elite, who are not willing to give up their privileges, now have to choose: either accept democracy or succumb! And if Morocco will eventually catch fire, the disparity of wealth is such that the revolution will have an impact far more bloody than in Tunisia.
Here's an excerpt of the interview released by the same Aboubakr Jamai A (r) moods from the Mediterranean a few months before closing Le Journal Hebdomadaire de set by the Moroccan authorities (January 24, 2010). The historical founder of the weekly says the old and new systems of censorship implemented by the Moroccan regime to prevent a true freedom of information and expression in the country. Jamai speaks of the "red lines" imposed by the Palace of the press code which does not hesitate to call "freedom-and advertising boycott of the victim was in his publication. The 2009-2010 period has ruled Morocco in the death of independent newspapers . After Al Michaal , Jarida Al Oula to , Akhbar al Youm Le Journal Hebdomadaire and , it was the turn of Nichane (weekly arabofono) in October 2010, to close its doors. Newsstands do is Tel Quel, whose voice is becoming more timid and hesitant. In January 2011, the court refused to grant Tangier Gueddar Khalid, former caricaturist Akhbar al Youm , Le Journal Hebdomadaire and Bakhchich , authorization for the publication of a satirical weekly in Moroccan Darija.
Interview Aboubakr Jamai, editor of Le Journal Hebdomadaire . Aboubakr Jamai was the founder of weekly Le Journal and Assahifa in 1997. In 2000 he founded Le Journal Hebdomadaire , where he was director until 2006. (Casablanca, November 17, 2009) Go to the full text of the interview
Jacopo crabs: Who is Aboubakr Jamai? What was his career before turning to journalism?
Aboubakr Jamai: I attended a business education. After leaving school I worked in a commercial bank, the Wafa Bank, and then I co-founded a merchant bank. In 1996 I was appointed adviser on communication Exsecutif Secretariat du Sommet Economique du Moyen Orient and de l'Afrique du Nord. An organization created after the Economic Summit in Casablanca in 1994, whose task was to accompany the economic development of the area. I leave office after a year and a half, at the time of the birth of Assahifa and Le Journal (1997), of which I am one of the co-founders, along with Ali Amar.
JG: Where does the interest in journalism, given its purely economic education?
AJ: Journalism has always interested me. By nature I am curious. I always read the national press, and especially the international one. I believe that all sectors are intrinsically linked. You can not separate economics from politics, as you can not separate politics from journalism. Plus I grew up, I mean physically, in a journalistic context. My father, Khalid Jamai, has long worked for the newspaper The opinion, which was also chief-editor (now has a weekly column, Chronicle, Le Journal Hebdomadaire on ).
JG: What he had in mind with the creation of Le Journal de ?
AJ: The Journal was inserted in the space of democratic openness promoted loudly in the mid-nineties. Together with Ali Amar we said that it was that the best time to establish a newspaper, or better yet, a center that would include a daily newspaper and a weekly version in French and Arabic speakers. The state was opening, was loosening its grip for three decades had prevented pluralism in the country.
Our model was the Prisa group, which is part of the group El Pais. The English newspaper was founded in 1976, after Franco's death and the beginning of the democratic path. We had this idea in his head. We wanted to retrace the same path.
JG: In 2000, Le Journal disappears, as well as Assahifa , and was founded Le Journal Hebdomadaire . What happened?
AJ: To understand what happened in 2000, we first consider the context and then the fact itself. Morocco, already during the last years of Hassan II, embarked on a path of openness. I do not say of democratization, but little reform. This is demonstrated by our publications of the time. We dared to things unimaginable today. More than once we have made the cover Ben Barka, even Serfaty, well before his return home when it was forbidden to even talk about it. We have publicly called for the dismissal of Driss Basri when it was still firmly in his seat of Grand Vizier. Le Journal has given a clear mission: to exercise control media, a critical control on all the elites in the management of the country.
thought that the new King on the go on path of reform and openness, but we were wrong. In 2000, a year after the rise to the throne of Mohammed VI, we realized that the monarch had no desire to follow up on promises of democratization. Not that we have renounced our editorial policy. Result: the death of the newspaper. They made us close the premises twice in that year with a simple circular from the Ministry of the Interior, so without even a trial or any judicial investigation. The first time in April, on a temporary basis following the publication interview with Mohamed Abdelazziz (leader of the Polisario Front). The second December 2, this time permanently.
after the close of the Journal and Assahifa , I immediately asked permission to create a new newspaper. Without success. In the face of an unjustified refusal by the authorities have begun a hunger strike, which luckily only lasted two days. The international press has been mobilized around this case, as well as human rights groups. The good faith and promises of Mohamed VI began to be doubted, and the regime had to grant permission. Thus was born Le Journal Hebdomadaire .
J. G. : Qual è stato l’atteggiamento del regime verso Le Journal Hebdomadaire ?
A. J. : La monarchia ha mantenuto la stessa ostilità dimostrata nei confronti di Le Journal . Per spiegare meglio quello che è successo dal 2000 in poi le darò delle cifre. Lei sa bene che un giornale non vive di sole vendite. La fonte primaria per la sua sopravvivenza sono gli introiti pubblicitari. Il budget pubblicitario raccolto da Le Journal Hebdomadaire è crollato dell’80% nel 2001. In un solo anno. Se oggi lei sfoglia Le Journal Hebdomadaire e Tel Quel (altro settimanale indipendente) can tell the difference. Let's say that some are a bit 'more accepted than others. The companies directly linked to the Palace, as Royal Air Maroc and Maroc Telecom, have declined to place their advertising in our newspaper.
Let me give another example. In 2001 I was sentenced to three months in prison, and the newspaper was forced to pay a fine of EUR 45 000. In 1999, accession to the throne of Mohammed VI was around the corner. The new regime from the outset, we have tested on the new strategy of repression, which then affected Demain and Doumani Ali Lmrabet, and more light Tel Quel.
JG: How did we come to the promulgation of the Code of the Press?
AJ: The Press Code was introduced following the events in 2000 involved Le Journal and Assahifa . Until then freedom of expression in the country was governed by an old Dahir (royal decree) of 1958. The two newspapers, as the regime sentenced them to death, were experiencing a strange phenomenon, sometimes incomprehensible even for us who work there. Sales had grown so much, we had reached a broad constituency and composite social level. There was a lot of interest around our articles and our investigations. Apparently, people believed in change. Then came the conviction. And those same people who read us every week, have begun to wonder, "but if the King really wants democracy because he has close Le Journal ?". The monarchy, wanting to preserve its image, it is hidden behind Youssoufi has discharged its responsibilities and the Prime Minister. The government, in turn, defended himself saying that he simply followed the law. So, to demonstrate the good will of the regime, Mohamed VI has promised new laws are more liberal. The result was the press code, approved in 2003. But the laws it contains are not liberal at all, rather the call freedom. Yet another deception Mohamed VI.
JG: The code also appeared the famous "red lines"?
AJ: Yes, they are enshrined in Article 41. Did not exist before. The monarchy, under the guise of promoting progress in the legal field, has created a death trap for anyone who wants groped to make an objective and uncompromising journalism.
JG: What are the limits imposed by?
AJ: And now we come to the nub of the problem. Insert an item that punishes any offense to the king and royal family, any attack on Islam, the monarchical form of state and territorial integrity, what does it mean? Defending the rights of non-believers is to attack Islam? Denounce the false promises monarchy means to offend the king? And most importantly, who should determine this? Of corrupt judges, handled directly by the monarch. They left the field open to the interpretation of judges, an interpretation that does not follow any legal logic, but that varies depending on the needs of His Majesty and the political climate that reigns in the country.
JG: How to Rule 41 affects your work?
AJ: Le Journal Hebdomadaire has never accepted the imposition of "red lines" and even less ambiguity che le accompagna. Nel nostro lavoro abbiamo deciso di non scendere mai a compromessi. Con i nostri articoli non facciamo altro che testare, ogni settimana, i confini di queste linee. La nostra sola arma è la professionalità. Fare un buon giornale, andare fino in fondo. Se veniamo condannati per questo, ci sottomettiamo al volere di una giustizia ingiusta e corrotta, consapevoli di essere sulla strada giusta. Quando Le Journal Hebdomadaire è stato portato in giudizio, non ha mai chiesto perdono al re, non ha mai fatto appello alla sua grazia o alla sua clemenza. Cedere ad un simile ricatto e a una simile umiliazione, significherebbe tradire i principi per cui ci battiamo.
J. G. : Oltre all’articolo 41, which considers it detrimental to other parts of the Code in respect of freedom of the press?
AJ: I do not remember the exact contents, but in general the whole part about the crimes of defamation should be completely revised. All items that include imprisonment for journalists must be deleted. Are not worthy of a country that still dare to call themselves democratic. Co-responsible, then, those who print and distribute newspapers for what is published in them, is another insidious obstacle to press freedom. Assign meaning to these figures on editorial discretion. If you do not agree with what you wrote may refuse to distribute the your newspaper or print it. "
JG: After nine years of a court ruling forcing you to pay 3 million dirhams in compensation to the European Centre for Strategic Studies. Once again it is an article on the Polisario Front to unleash repression. Even Le Journal Hebdomadaire , as Le Journal , eventually sacrificed in the name of state security?
AJ: Le Journal Hebdomadaire will survive the fine that was imposed. We found a legal system that will allow us to defer payment, without the intervention of the seizure of property threatened by the court. We will pay, but at least we will continue to do our job. On the other hand we have given up hope of making money, make money with our business. We have no ambitions of economic prosperity. Our current revenues allow us to pay fair wages and cost of printing and distribution of the newspaper. The lack of advertising we have left and proceeds of sales are for. We understand that it is essential to allow the survival of our critical spirit. We see that this irritates the power, then we know we are in the right direction. If we continue to give up the gains that time, perhaps, would have been possible, we are ready to do so.
JG: You spoke of a climate of repression that has accompanied all the ten-year reign of Mohamed VI. Do not you think this attitude in recent months has suffered a sharp acceleration?
AJ: What has happened in recent months is inscribed in the very dynamics of what has been seen in the previous ten years. Mohamed VI has never given up to attack independent newspapers. However, 2009 was an undeniable escalation of repression. Putting in prison Chahtane (director of Al Michaal ) and ill-treatment in prison, Akhbar Al Youm forcing the closure under the guise of a simple caricature, the Town wanted to send a message: we are in charge and those who continue to put i bastoni fra le ruote la pagherà cara. E’ finito il tempo delle critiche e delle insubordinazioni. In più, la chiusura di Akhbar Al Youm è totalmente illegale. Non c’è nessuna legge che la autorizzi. E’ come se il regime dichiarasse: da adesso in poi la legge siamo noi. Quello che stabiliamo, indipendentemente dai codici in vigore, è legge. Quanto hanno fatto a Bouachrine e al suo giornale deve servire da esempio.
0 comments:
Post a Comment